Galbeedi, Sxb ma maqaqashay halku dhiga ah Saacah-bi-Saacah. Dr Bayle, waqtiga shaqada waa hawlkar, daacad u ah gudashada waajibaadka saaran. Waxa kale oo intaas usii dheer Abwaanimo, iyo in uu bulshada laqeybsato saacadaha farxada. Yusur, shaqo fiican ayey qabatay, oo ah kashifida ceebihii bangiga dhexe iyo tuuganimada ka socotay. Lakin shaqada ka adkeyd ee ah in la gufeeyo godadka madow ma aysan qaban, duruufaha markaa jiray awgeed. Howshaas waxa madaxa loo saaray, shaqo fiicana kaqabtay, welina kashaqeeynaya waa gudoomiyaha waqtigan Bashir Isse. Waxa aan aaminsanahay, Dr Bayle inuu qeyb weyn kaqaadan doono ka hortaga systemka xadida ku dhismay ee hadda jira. Waxa sahlan in lakashifo ceebaha systemka dawladu ay leeyahay, waxaase adag sixida ceebahaa iyo gufeynta godadka madow ee wax lagu xado. Odayga waqti sii, sida uu wax uqabtana ku jaangoo dhaleeceynta. Una ogolow in xoogaa chilling out ah uu sameeyo. Midakale, ku darso xisaabta, Dr Bayle waxa uu cadow badan ku kasbaday arintii gudbinta dacwada badda. Waxaad arki doontaa mustaqbalka dhow, weeraro iyo ceebayn badan oo lagu qaado.

Galbeedi, Since you have mentioned the federal government to have the power to veto these kind of deals. I see you realise these concessions are negotiated and given in state level. The only time when federal authority comes in the frame is, if there is credible national security issue and they veto the deal. As far as we know, the federal government agreed to those port concessions. In one of your earlier forums, you have documented the Russia base ambitions at Berbera. Do you think, that have gone unnoticed. The issue here is much more bigger than what it seems from the outside, and the players are heavier in weight. Putting aside the military base issue. There is nothing wrong in investing $440 and $336 in Berbera and Bosaso respectively. If Maryooley leaders have the skills to play the chess and, bring long term benefits from these deals for there ppl . We should will give them credit and encourage them to pull victory out of these deals. Rather than criticising in every move, if Maryooley intellectuals sitting at the comfort of their western hideouts, put their sophisticated thinking in backing and advising these leaders, common ppl would have benefited. We all know, how former leaders had badly burned ppl of this country in choosing wrong alliances. They preferred stagnation rather than giving business concessions. The situation at the federal level is, as you put in bold Soomaali language quotes, Ragan filada fadhiya waxba gacan uguma jiro, runta in ay isu sheegaan oo ay isku wadaan gobalada oo dhan ayaa xal u ah. I would rather have a Pragmatic leader, than a Benevolent dictator

@Maakhiri1 said: Good point Holac Yoniz, marka hOre saaxb, REER baadiyaha Gadh Caska ah, oo Xalaal cunka ah, ayaa dhaama ninka wax bartey, oo nahaabka ah, wadana wax ka geline, Dantiisa iyo Lacag u muuqato. Arinkan, runtii States, waa soo xodxoddankaraan heshiisyo, iyo FDI, at the end of the day, it is the decision f the Federal governnment, to approve or reject. Wax walba na sharci bay ku socdaan, Sharciyadii oo weli diyaar ahayn, GOBOLADII oo sidii dawlad madax banaan u dhaqmi, ani uma BOGIN Goboladan dhinac ordaaya dawlada dhexe, Hadeey wax rabaan in ay ka dhameeystaan dawlada dhexe, share holders weeye, in sharciga la raaco weeye. Laakin States can not act like they can grant rights to any foreign company , some of them could be national security risk. As this deal , as I say, it is welcome, but we have to vigilant, with no labour laws in place, Sida ka dhacdey Berbera, 80% of workers fired in the first week, many replaced with Indians, and Philippines, Adeer Hunguri awgiis, in muwaadinka SOMALI ga ahi, wadankiisii uu marti ku noqto, waa danbi. Wax walba oo SOMALI u hurumar ah waa welcome, as long as it is the interest of the people, and not few thugs. Maakhiri, Saxib waxa aad baartaa taariikhda dhismaha wadada Garowe-Bosaso iyo dakada hadda jirta ee Bosaso. Lacagtii loogu talo galay mashruuca waxa lageliyey 1/3 keliya. Intii kalena waxa dhacay Talyani iyo Maryooley magac dowlad dhexe huwan. Hadii aad waydiisid dadka isticmaalayey labadaas halbowle dhowr iyo labaatanka sano, wax macno ah uma sameynayso 2/3 in ladhacay. Waxa macno u sameeyey waa in uu noqday mashruucaas, mid laga dhaxlay halbowlayaal badbaadiyey nolosha iyo soo kabashada dadkii ay kudhacday musiibadii umulo gowraca. Halka aan rabay inaan wax kaa tuso waa halkaas. Kaabayaasha dhaqaalaha cidna si sahlan cidkale uguma dhisto. Hadii ay dhisamaan Waxa dhaxalkeda marwalba helaya cida degan meesha laga hirgeliyey kaabayaashaas. Caqli toosan maaha in dhulka aan ladhisan, cidii dhisi laheydna buuq iyo weerar lagu qaadno. Ogowna meesha wax laga fulinayo waa Africa, ookiyaale qof jooga Yurub iyo Waqooyiga Amerika kuma fiican in lagu eego. Raggan hadda heshiiska saxiixay waa kuwa hore u saxiixay/fuliyey mashaariic kale sida garoomada Bosaso, Garowe, Maakhir University. Cadaalad maaha in aan lagu aaminin mashaariicdaas hore, ayna kasoo baxeen, kuwa hadda soo socdana layiraahdo laguma aamini karo. Anigu waxaan aaminsanahay in isla xisaabtanka ay ka sahlantahay marka uu joogo heer maamul goboleed, marka loo bar bar dhigo heel federaal.

Suaalaha u baahan in dadku ay waydiiyaan maamulada galay heshiiskan waa faafinta qodobada heshiiska ku qoran sida: - Kala qeybsiga % dekhliga - qeybaha uu ka koobnaanayo shaqaalaha iyo % ay dadka wadanka ku leeyihiin - qandaraasyada hoose ee lasiinayo shirkadaha gudaha wadanka iyo qaabka loo bixinayo. - siyaadasada uga degsan mashruucan ilaalinta bay'ada ku nool aaga laga hirgelinayo dekeda. iyo inkale oo badan oo lagu qoro heshiisyda sidaan oo kale ah.

@Maakhiri1 said: ^Ma hubtaa in Goboladu iska saxiixan karaan heshiisyo dekedaha, militery bass, iyaga oo dawlada Federaalka waxa ka waydiin? Ku noqo! Hadaad sas rabtid, ama jeceshahay, maaxa isku tari Dawlad Xamar joogta, maa goaankaaga cadeeyso, sida Somaliland, oo goosatid! Meel aduunka ka dhacda, any foreign relationship, business deals, gobol la geli karo wadama, ama shirkado shisheeye,,without the blessing or knowing of the Federal government, Soomaalidu in FEderaalka KHALAD wayn ka fahmeen, waa iska cadahay, Waa eegnaa! As for this deal, Carab lacagi ka daadan, adeer waa la ka shubtaa, weliba laba sano in ay ku gelin 400 oo million, waa dhereg! Maakhiri, Haa waan hubaa in nidaamka federalka uu siinayo dowlad gobaleedyada in ay heshii horumarin dekedaha shirkado la gali karaan. Weliba waxa sax ah inay u kala tartamaan sidii ay usoo jiidan lahaayeen shirkado dhisa kaabayaaya dhaqaalaha. Tan saldhiga ciidamada waa arin kale oo ka duwan. Halka qoraalkeygu uu u socdo laakin waa mida qoraalkagan ku qeexan. Waxa aad garka isu gelisay dhowr arimood oo u baahan kala gurid, iyo in midwalba goonideeda loo eego. Qofka waaya araga ah, ama wax bartay waxa astaan u ah in uusan wax u eegin ama u falanqeyn, qaabka qofka aan waxbaran. Maryooley hadii aanu nahay, dadkena wax bartaysida ay maalin walba ula sheekeysanayeen oday gadhcas, cimaamad weyn huwan, oo aan waxna qorin/akhrin, waxa ka tegay aragtidii fogeyd. Waxa kale oo maskaxdena aan weli ka tirtirmin nidaamkii hanti wadaaga iyo, kali talisnimadii caasimada wax walba laga sugi jiray. Maamul gobaleedyadu kama caqali, wadaniyad, ama dadnimo hooseeyaan dawlada federaalka. Maantana ayagaaba xoriyad ay goaan ku gaari karaana haysta, ugu yaraan madaxtooyada ay ku shaqeeyaan amnigeeda ayagaa ilaashada. Soomaaligu hadii uusan walaalkiis soomaaliga ah u quurin inuu awood maskaxeed u leeyahay maarayta degaanada uu ku noolyahay, waa musiibo weyn.

Anigu Maryooley waan kayaabay. Kan wax bartay iyo midka miyiga fog jooga aragtoda waxa ay ku dhisantahay caadifad. Nidaamka Federal ka meel kasta aduunka form Australia to Canada, waxa port concession bixiya waa state government not the federal government. Kayska Somaliya hadda wuuba kasii liitaa Federalka dustuurka ku qoral oo waa Con-federal iyo mid kasii jilicsan. Ninkaan miskiinka ah ee dhowrka bilood kahor meesha yimi yaan lagu waqtiqa looga lumin iska hor imaad uu u galo wax aan howshiisa aheyn. Hadii Maryooley uu weli ku jiro chipkii dowlada dhexe ee kacaanka, hadda waxa loo baahan yahay in laga saaro chipkaas oo la baro waxa uu yahay Federal system. Kuwii bari lahaa systemka cusub waa kuwan ayagoo mutacaliin kunool wadamo federal system uu ka shaqeeyo hadana wareerinaya dadka. Yaabka Yaabkiis.

Interesting! Oodweyne, saaxiib thanks for the resourceful article. Who said that, we will have the boring Saacid, Yuulka and CCC characters as the next PM. If Mr Kheyre can use wisely, his talent of engaging with the UK establishment and, the humanitarian expertise at the NRC, that will make him a good PM.

Where is the long piece from Oodweyne? The thread is playing up! The order of posting is not right.

Interesting! Oodweyne, saaxiib thanks for the resourceful article. Who said that, we will have the boring Saacid Yuulka and CCC characters as the next PM. If Mr Kheyre can use wisely, his talent of engaging with the UK establishment and the humanitarian expertise at the NRC, that will make him a good PM.

Oodweyne, Saaxiib, waxan u maleynayaa in aadan akhrin qoraalkeygii hore. Gangsterada SEMG ee Chopra horboodeyey iska celintooda waxay Mr Kheyre siisay sharaf. Arinta kayska SFO, waxa lagu dhisay eedeynta Chopra iyo gangskiisa. Markii ay fashilantayna waxa cadyn ah lama helin. Waxa kadibna lagu khasbay SEMG raali gelin. Here is Jeremy Schulman lecturing about the rouge SEMG and how they are made to eat their words: PS. I know little about Mr Kheyre. However, I will give him time to do his job before jumping to the criticism bandwagon.

Oodwayne, Oday waan ku saalamay marka hore. Marka xigta, waa kaftane, imisa qoraal ayaa kaaga diyaarsanaa shaqsiga loo magacaabi doono Raysal wasaaraha? Marnaba wanaag maka qori laheyd?

Allah hala garab galo howsha culus ee loo dhiibay. I dont know the guy well, However, anyone who stood up to the Chopra gangz, and their SEMG whitch hunt cartel, has the mental strenghth demanded by this difficult position.

Congrats to president Farmajo. Rabi hala garab galo mas'uuliyada uu dhabarka u ritay. Although I would have preferred more cool headed person to win this election, it not secret, Farmajo captured the hearts and minds of the common men. Nomads are tired of the stupidity of their politicians, and the never ending zero sum politics. No region is exempted from that demoralizing failed politics. He will need to differentiate between campaign rhetoric and, running this divided country. He will need to be president for all , excel the art of political pragmatism and, build consensus rather than exploit the existing disagreements. Oodweyne, I can tell you (to my big surprise) Farmajo became past 24 hrs, the most talked man in Hargeisa. The amount of the good will from everyone I have met in the city is staggering. That might explain your apocalyptic vision and, raise up to the arms roar.

@Che -Guevara said: The old man is failure. So is Abdiwali Gas, Hassan Sheikh, Sakin, Guled, etc. Each tribe or region has no one else to blame. Maybe Somalis need to understand vote for the better not the incompetent ones from your tol. Che, Ma maqashay maah maahda ah, 'Weel waliba wixii ku jiruu dhididaa'. Bulsho musuqmaasuq dilooday hogaamiye fiican ma helaan. Wadanka in aad ka maqantahay mudo ayaan filayaa. Dawada waxa u baahan waa bulshada, makaas kadib ayey heli hogaan fiican. Wakhtigan waxaan kusuganahay gudaha wadanka, waxa aan maalin walba arkaa, dad aysan ismaqleyn afkooda iyo dhegahooda (hadal fiican, hadana ayan dhagahooda gelin fiicnaantaas). Qofka wanaagsan waa la qariyey, waxana la gaarsiiyeyinuu ku dhiiran waayo dhiibashada fikradiisa fiican marka reeruhu gooni u shirayaan. Mowjada laga hadlayo waxa hadba lagu saleeyaa intaa wada fadhida jawigooda. Hadii qof kale kusoo biiro waxa 180° la wareejiyaa afkaartii markaa la dhiibanayey. Odayaal Gadhcas ah oo musuqmaasuq dhuuxa kagalay ayaa meel walba hor boodaya. Bulshada waxay ku xirteen xero, siyaasi walbana ayagaa waala ilaa uu waasho oo dadka dhamaan lug gooyo.

Galbeedi, Sxb khudbad la jeediyey qof laguma garan karo inuu ku haboonyahay xilka ugu sareeya wadanka. Zakariye taariikhdiisa marka dib loo eego, maaha qof umadan dhiban hogaamin kara. Halka uu siyaasada kaga hareyna waa Asmra. Shariif waxa uu ka raacay Xasan Dahir, kadibna waxa uu mudo kusii danbeeyey Asmara asaga oo sheegta hogaaminta isbeheysiga Asmara, ilaa kaligii uu kusoo haray Afawerk, ragii ay wada joogeena waxa ay usoo rareen siyaasada wadanka gudihiisa. Mar aan la kulmay, waxa iiga baxay inuu yahay, seef labood aan tixgelin fikradaha kale, ku jira illusion aad weyn, aadna uga muuqato keli telisnimo gaamurtay. Dalka iyo Dadku maanta uma baahna seef labood idaacada ka hadli og, xaaladu way ka duwantahay marka hogaamin ay timaado. Waxa baahi loo qabaa qof degan, isu dheelitiran, xirfad siyaasadeed, iyo aqoon fiican u leh siyaasada gudaha, tan dibada iyo weliba isku wadida mawjado isjiiraya. Nin xiiqsan oo idaacadaha ka hadli og warkiisa ma canshuurna, arinta sida ay u socoto waa, sida labada gole oo kale. Waxa la dooran qof la tijaabiyey (known quality). Niyad wanaagii qofka cusub lagu jeclaan jiray XSM ayaa dacareeyey. Dhowr qof oo is dheeli tiri kara ayuu dalku u baahan yahay. Koox ka kooban, Shariif, CCC, wasiiro nadiif ah oo howlkarnimo fiican leh, sida: Bayle, Maryan Qasim, Yusuf Garaad, waxbadan ayaa u qabsoomi kara. Arinta Gabre, waxa ay iila muuqataa in si waalan loo buunbuuniyey, oo weliba looga dan leeyahay in lagu niyad jebiyo Maryooleyda, si ay ugu jirto cabsi iyo liidnimo. Nin walba oo gaaban oo wadanka aan deriska nahay ka socda, waxa lagu sheegaa magacaas, tobaneeyo sawir oo kala duwan ayaa jira marka dib loo baaray arintaas. Qolyaha arintaas buun buuninteeda ka shaqeeya waxa ugu horeeya kuwa afka duuban, waxa ayna aad u adeegsadaan warfaafinta Muqdisho, kuwa kalena warka way kasoo raraan ayagoo aan iska eegin. Itoobiya ayaa teeda la il daran maanta, in si aad ah la isugu mashquuliyo macno badan malaha. Wadanka waxa laga hagaa inta u dhaxeysa Xalene ilaa Jazeera. Qofka la dooranayo waa inuu fahmaa sida uu awooda halkaas ugala soo wareegi karo, si tartiib (gradual) ah, ayadoo aysan kujiran kiis iska waal iyo i maqlaay.

I applaud and give best gratitude to Dr Bayle (former Foreign Minister of Somalia) for his bravery in bringing this case at the ICJ. In August 2014, I had faced from some SOL Nomads, a barrage of criticism for defending Dr Bayle's judgement in bringing this case at the ICJ. Nuune and Co, if you are still there and reading, I hate to remind you the bitterness of the old days :-) I am referring to this topic: http://www.somaliaonline.com/community/topic/somalias-high-seas-lost-to-kenya/ Looking at the substantial precedents in this kind of dispute, we will celebrate the final victory of the case in the near future IA. Below is the decision. In its Judgment, which is final and without appeal, the Court (1) (a) by thirteen votes to three, Rejects the first preliminary objection raised by the Republic of Kenya in so far as it is based on the Memorandum of Understanding of 7 April 2009; (b) by fifteen votes to one, Rejects the first preliminary objection raised by the Republic of Kenya in so far as it is based on Part XV of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea; (2) by fifteen votes to one, Rejects the second preliminary objection raised by the Republic of Kenya; (3) by thirteen votes to three, Finds that it has jurisdiction to entertain the Application filed by the Federal Republic of Somalia on 28 August 2014 and that the Application is admissible. You can get the full court determination here: http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/files/161/19324.pdf

Salax, iIt is unfair to twist the old man's words. He talked in most of his speech about the current political affairs in SL, the parties and polititions, as well as, his thoughts about the election time and the candidates. He said, the word Somali represents people, and he loves Somalis which ever region they belong to. The other point he mentioned is the notion of criminalising Somalilanders who visit Mogadishu. Which he said is wrong, as there are no laws that prohibit people from visiting Mogadishu. He concluded his speech by pointing out that, he can visit Mogadishu tomorrow as there is nothing illegal about that. To be fair, the old man delivered his arguments rationally and coherently. It has been long overdue, and it is time politicians talked sense when addressing their audience. SL fares much better than other Somalis when it comes to politicians talking to their audience and treat them as 6 years old child. The worst I have seen is HSM addressing SNTV.

Hadii lacag miiska lasoo tubo oo TV loo yeero, iyo hadii boorso yaroo madow lagu soo safriyo waa isugu mid dadka quutal yawmka la tacaalaya, wax soo gaaraya ayaan jirin. Raga maamulka hada haya iyo kuwa mucaaradka ahba waa isku midab markay lacag arkaan. Sheekaduna waa gabaygii Laangadhe ee dagaalka labaad: Gudaha ceelka hargeysa Waligay gees uma dhaafin Inta aan wax gasiintiyo Intaan gaajo ku seexday Hadii aan isu geeyo Mala waa isku gow e Mar haddaan ka gabyay oon go'aygiina ka qaatay Maxaa iiga gidhiisha Waxyse tani kaga duwantahay taa gabayga, halka lagu dirirayo ee lagu kala adkaanayo maaha Yurub (walow kuwan tartanka ku jira ay baasabooro Yurub ah haystaan), waa hantidii dadkan la tacaalya quutul yawmka ee hadana leh, Maxaa iiga gadhiisha.

Given the era the two guys ruled, and the level of the political experience, these leaders were excellent. The ignorant populace were led to beleive, there was a greener posture with a magic touch from dictatorship rule. Half a century after that naive word, caleemo qoyan baan kusoo dhaweynay, none have been learned from the past mistakes. Casharada ugu wanaagsan ee siyaasada in laga barto u baahan waa: - Dulqaad iyo sal adeyg - Shaqo badan iyo hadal kooban - Inta lahayo ilaasho, inta kaamaqan waad gaari. - Wanaaga qofka masuulka ah u qir, sida aad khaladkisa u qirtid. - Kan qeylinaya ee kursiga raba, suaalo adag waydii.

It has been a year ago when I posted about the construction of this small Dam/reservoir. I never imagined it will be this crucial to so many Nomad lives. www.somaliaonline.com/community/topic/bandar-bayla-mini-dam/ Central to this wonderful initiative was a man of dignity, Dr Cabdirisaaq Bogcad - The former Director General, Puntland Ministry of Environment, Wildlife and Tourism. Sadly, six months after completion of the Bender Bayla Dam/reservoir, he was moved out of the Ministry in one of the never ending stupid reshuffles, to another not related to his qualifications and expertise (Director General to the Ministry of Constitutional Affairs). His response was the best I have seen from any Nomad in the recent political arena. He said, he was not qualified to take the new position and, had no knowledge or experience in constitutional affairs. His qualifications and expertise are better served in his current position at the Ministry of Environment, Wildlife and Tourism. After all he had the following qualifications: B.Sc in Agropastoralism - Animal Husbandry. M.Sc in Range Management PhD in Education Management If you want see the living example of politics of despair we are in today, in every corner of Nomads' regions, look no further than this case. www.horseedmedia.net/2016/04/10/dr-cabdirisaaq-bogcad-oo-iska-casiley-xilkii-madaxweynaha-puntland-u-magacaabey/ Thanks to the Old man and his good work at Bender Bayla.

The only time we hear from these Nomads are when the water runs out. Their irresponsible way of live need to change. They have enjoyed boom in livestock exports for the past decade and received good money selling their stock. However, none of that money is invested back to improve livelihoods, other than chewing Qat and talking nonsense. Nomads can afford to contribute on building small Dams/reservoirs like the one in Bender Bayla. One Dam/reservoir in every 30 km2 is urgently needed. The dry rivers that crisscross every district is valuable source of water that need to be tapped, and managed in effective way. Somalida quraanka waa ku fiicantahay akhrintiisa, lakin Suurat Yuusuf inay fahmaan ayaa ka maqan. Nin boqol geela iyo dhowr tiro oo ari ah lahaa bilo yar kahor, hadana caga cad, waxa uu ku jiro waa ciqaab aduunyo. Dadkaa hala baro in xoolahooda marka uu naqu jiro ay ka dhigtaan wax ay ku dhaafaan abaarta.

Book Review: Africa’s First Democrats Africa’s First Democrats: Somalia’s Aden A. Osman and Abdirazak H. Hussen by Abdi Ismail Samatar, 308 PP. Indiana University Press, 2016 by Bashir Goth Why I review this book As a firm believer in democratic principles and an adamant observer of African development, I read this book with great anticipation after attending it’s launch by the author in Washington D.C. in early December 2016. I read it diligently and carefully including the 39-pages of notes at the end of the book which add deep insight into some of the issues not developed by the author in the body of the book. I found the book captivating on three fronts. First, its a fresh departure from the existing literature about Somalia that dwells on segmenting the Somalis on tribal lineage systems, hence characterizing Somali people as individualistic and almost anarchic. This is a euphemistic way of saying that Somalis are primitive people that lack the capacity for state building. Already aware of the Samatar brothers’, Abdi I., Professor and Chair of the Department of Geography, Environment and Society, University of Minnesota, and his older brother Ahmed I., Professor and former dean of the Institute for Global Citizenship at Macalester College, challenging of the tired, too often repeated clanism postulate which according to Ahmed Samatar, has “become axiomatic.”; they continued to shift the debate paradigm by redirecting the focus of African scholarship from looking at Africans through the tainted prism of tribalism to studying them through the context of the people’s complex history that includes the socio-cultural erosion and politico-economic degeneration caused by foreign domination on Africa through the centuries. The reader can see this shift clearly in Africa’s First Democrats, as the author focuses his analysis on leadership and domestic socio-cultural dynamics and how the Somali political leaders adhered to the standards of responsible leadership in the first decade of the country’s post-independence period and how they were shaped by the conditions in which they grew up and the clash of cultures they experienced during the early years of their life. Second, the book presents a case study on how the Somali people, despite the historical, cultural and geo-political disadvantages they inherited from colonial powers and the existential challenges posed by the cold war era, made successful efforts in state-building and laying down the foundation of democracy contrary to the pervasive foreign promoted image of Somalis being anarchical individualists who lack the capacity for state building. Third, the author presents the background of the two leaders who are the focus of his book, Aden A. Osman, the first Somali President, and Abdirazak H. Hussen, Prime Minister, 2nd post-independence Prime Minister, highlighting that the Africanist Literature on African leadership in the post independence period mostly neglects the stories of the formative years of African leaders. He underscores that it was “those early experiences that throws much light on the political courses individuals pursued, how they conducted themselves as head of liberation movements, and their times as presidents after independence.” He points out that “without knowing their background one is left to guess the circumstances that shaped the character of the leader.” Leadership and accountability The author addresses the question of leadership and accountability as the two main themes of the book, attributing Africa’s problems and Somalis among them to “these intertwined specters,” saying that it is “the debilitating absence of leadership fit to meet the complex imperatives of citizenship and national development and the dearth of accountable and effective state institutions that can sustain civic life where leadership is lacking.” He argues that “inspiring and capable leadership and functioning state institutions are the two critical instruments necessary for development.” It is against these factors and others he listed in his definition of leadership that he measures the performance of the Somali leaders in the first decade after independence. He notes that as most African countries suffered from the rule of autocrats and dictators, African literature on African leadership was dominated by the “diagnosis of authoritarian leaders” while paying “scant attention to democratic alternatives whose experiences could provide positive guides for those dreaming and struggling for a fully democratic Africa." He argues that the democratic alternatives were led by “statespersons” rather than politicians, describing the stateperson as one characterized by self-confidence, a strong moral code, vision and one under whose leadership “a thousand flowers bloom.” Contrary to the consensus and state building qualities of the statesperson stands the autocrat who rules the regime according to his whims and eventually causes the “evaporation of legitimacy for all the frames." He concludes that President Aden Abdulle Osman and Prime Minister Abdirazak H. Hussen stand out when presented next to the rest of African leaders due to their “aspiration to institutionalize state operations, their willingness to respect the will of people and accept political defeat through a democratic process.” Childhood and youth Reading the two leaders’ early life stories, one can see that both of them grew up in almost similar circumstances. Both went through difficult life, worked as children in their early childhoods, experienced the cruelty of colonialism by being victims themselves or watching how the European administrators punished and degraded their Somali subjects. However, while Osman comes into political awareness during his services to the Italian administration, Hussen’s awareness came at a very tender age through his Quranic teacher who he often heard saying to the students: “Limaada takhara Al Muslimuun wa taqadama qayruhum” which is obviously the title of a book written by Shakib Arslan, an Arab nationalist from Lebanon, in the 19thc which had a great impact on the thinking of the Islamic world during the struggle for independence. With this question ringing in his mind, Hussen not only witnessed the brutality of colonialism against his people but he himself fell victim to it as he was imprisoned and tortured for refusing to yield to his Italian master’s humiliating order of taking his shoes off when entering his office. Finally, both leaders cut their teeth in politics and leadership through their involvement with the Somali Youth League (SYL), the first pan Somali liberation movement, and the long struggle for the unification of the Somali people and for independence. State building The author divides the first decade after independence into the First Republic with Osman as President and Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke as Prime Minister, and the Second Republic with Osman as President and Abdirazak H. Hussen as Prime Minister. He notes that the main tasks of the first republic was the consolidation of the union of British and Italian colonized Somali territories, the ratification of the national constitution and holding the first parliamentary elections. Osman in his speech to the first cabinet laid a lofty vision for the Somali state; a vision that called upon the state and the citizens to live by the values of democracy and respect for the rule of law: “The Somali Nation, by making itself democratic and particularly Republic, has given itself one of the best and most liberal constitutions, a fact to which high personalities of the United Nations and the world have testified. But it is my modest opinion that only you, citizens, can strengthen democracy; in fact democracy doesn’t mean anarchy but the power invested in the people in accordance with order and based on the laws. Therefore, to strengthen the democracy of our country means that all of us must respect order and the laws that we have for our ourselves, and love one another, and resolve our controversies in a peaceful and fraternal manner.” The first test that faced the First Republic was the attempt by some Northern junior officers to stage a coup in Hargeisa in December 1961. In strict adherence to the spirit of the constitution and respect for the rule of aw, and due to his sense of statesmanship, Osman rejected calls for a military tribunal to be established for the trial of the rebellious officers. Osman also persuaded the government to allow foreign lawyers to represent the officers as per their request, while the government also paid part of the defense lawyers’ fees. The government also allowed a British judge to preside over the case. When the court dismissed the case, the government allowed the officers to walk free despite the protest of some MPs and cabinet members including some from the north. “This was the first time in Africa’s postindependence history that a government released coup makers without any retribution,” says the author. The defense lawyers also commended the government during a meeting with the President: “they were greatly comforted by the full liberty given them and the unimpeded independence of the judiciary in Somalia,” according to Osman’s diary. The First Republic also succeeded in holding free and fair parliamentary elections at a difficult time when the country was in a situation of war with Ethiopia. The best testimony comes from the US Embassy report to the State Department cited by the author: “By general consensus this election was the fairest ever held in Somalia. The government press understandably hailed the event as spotless proof of Somali democracy in action. More accurately, high government officials including General Abscir, Police Commander, are generally satisfied that it was well run and fraud held down.” Underlining the significance of this, the author characterized the election as marking: “ a historic benchmark in the country’s democracy march towards democracy,” noting that “the absence of election-related violence meant that Somalis were at ease with the democratic process.” And despite this historical achievement, Osman did not hide his unease about unlimited voter inflations that took place in a few places. The Second Republic After passing the first test of establishing government institutions and entrenching the values of democracy, the responsibility fell on the shoulders of the Second Republic led by Abdirazak H Hussen to usher in an era of good governance, accountability, and establishing a meritorious hiring culture of government staff. These tasks included weeding out corruption and challenging those politicians and public servants who “took advantage of their position to raid the public purse, construct coastal mansions, and lease them to expatriates for a handsome return.” It is obvious that to tackle this enormous challenges needed a leader with vision, boldness, self-confidence , and honesty. And the author presents enough evidence that Hussen was the man destined to lead the age of “karti iyo hufnaan – Competent and Ethical Government”. The author cites four issues that were central to Hussen’s agenda including professionalizing the public service, considering corruption as an obstacle to democratic governance and national unity, adopting nonalignment as the central pillar of country’s foreign policy and the systematic reproduction of Somalia’s democratic form of government through free and fair elections. Hussen’s mantra was “the right man for the right job”. He embarked on this mission at the time of the creation of Somali Airlines when he was minister of public works. There were 28 openings for young men to be trained as pilots and engineers in Germany. Only two of those selected after the exams conducted by German officials were from the south the rest were from the north. While the majority of the first cabinet ministers he formed as Prime Minister were again from the north. And despite the resentment he earned from those who lost their privileges, his policies have definitely satisfied the general public and the President nicknamed him as “dahirie” (cleanser). Taking note of the enormous reforms undertaken by Hussen, the US Embassy summed up the Prime Minister’s leadership as following: “The reform does not appear to have favored or spared any tribal segment of the population. The North may have gained a few positions owing to the better qualifications of its men. The army and other state organs may be next in line for reform. Abdirazak [Hussen] has demonstrated a high order of leadership in his efforts to create a strong administrative framework for Somalia.” Even the only local English newspaper Dalka which was always critical of the government lauded the reforms by rejoicing that: “No longer will the appointment of ministerial post mean a license to rob.” The author argues that Hussen’s “radical civil service reform and the transparent way it was done predated widespread reform in Africa by at least three decades.” He notes that while most postcolonial African leaders used the national treasury as their own private reserve, Osman and Hussen treated public resources as “sacrosanct.” He cites that Hussen declined to go to hajj at government expense and he did not own a house while he was working for the government. He once astounded the U.S Ambassador who offered to build an Embassy complex on a land owned by Hussen and then transfer the whole structure to Hussen after five years. Hussen rejected the offer, a rare behavior by an Africa leader. Osman also disappointed several Somali businessmen who offered him money to use in his election, while he donated savings he made from the presidential discretionary fund to build the country first state house for the accommodation of foreign dignitaries. Africa’s First Leader to give up power The crowning moment of Somalia’s democracy came on June 10, 1967 when Osman who was defeated in presidential elections by Abdirashid with a small margin, conceded defeat and gave up power, marking it “the first time in modern African political history in which a democratically elected president was defeated in an election, gave up power with dignity, and walked away freely as an adored citizen.” This was not lost on visiting Zambian President Kenneth Kaunda who in a state dinner in Mogadishu commented that Somalia was different than other African countries because he was flanked on both sides by the former President and the incumbent President. Another testimony came from Yusuf Duhul, described by the author as “Somalia’s most critical journalist” who admitted in 1966 and later reiterated in 1996 that Osman-Hussen team led the best government the country ever had. It is through that capable leadership of Osman during his tenure and Hussen’s short but vigorous three years (1964-67) as Prime Minister that Somalia managed to set itself apart from other African countries. The author quotes the following testament by the US Ambassador in Mogadishu at the time as supporting evidence: “Elections of the presidency and the parliament have demonstrated the system’s ability to transfer power democratically. The country’s ex-president and two former prime ministers are today all in parliament – not imprisoned, exiled, or dead.” Even at one time, the U.S. Ambassador praises Osman as a rare breed in his report to his government saying: “… Aden may not consider himself indispensible, but he is a rare breed, here or anywhere”. It is through this legacy which one can see in detail after reading the book, that the author concluded that Osman and Hussen were Africa’s First Democrats. In fact, he mentions that the next African president to leave office after he was defeated in an election was Kaunda of Zambia in 1991, almost a quarter of a century after Somalia’s precedent. Beginning of downfall In his final analysis, the author explains how the country descended to an era of corruption, political opportunism, single party government, and oppression of the opposition during the last civilian government of Abdirashid-Egal. The changing lot of Somali democracy was captured by I.M. Lewis, writing that Somalia’s parliament, once a symbol of free speech and fairplay “had turned into sordid marketplace where deputies traded their votes for personal rewards with scant regard for the interests of their constituents.” This culminated in the assassination of the President and military takeover, heralding Somalia’s descent into the abyss. The author ends the book with a positive note of optimism in line with the objective of his mission which was to educate the young Somali generation and the world at large that the difficult circumstances that Somalia experienced over the last 40 years do not define the character and spirit of the Somali people. But on the contrary, there was a time when Somalis were leadership trailblazers for the whole of Africa. It is with this concept in mind that the author calls the people not to despair but rather take inspiration from their brilliant past: “The grim times needs not block the imagining of a drastically different future than the humiliating present. In this admittedly hard quest, the personal lives of Osman and Hussen and their devotion to high political ideals are available to inspire a new generation,” he writes, echoing Ahmed Samatar’s call for the Somalis “to reinvent themselves as well as the nation.” Conclusion The author said researching and writing the book took him a long time during which he traced people over three continents, went through tons of personal diaries, governmental archives, and other research resources. And as biased as it may look, I cannot find a better conclusion in my review than to agree with the author that “the two most critical lessons” that the reader can take away from Africa’s First Democrats are: “…that the political rump that has dominated the landscape over the last 40 years does not embody the history of the Somali people and their aspirations and that without deeply grounded ethical principles the management of public affairs is a soulless venture that leads to a sterile future.” All I can add is that this book is not above reproof. In fact of all the material I read about this period, I found only one book, “Khawadir A’n Taarikh Al Somal”( Thoughts about the history of Somalia), a memoire, by Abdullah Mohamed Ahmed Qablan who was Under-Secretary for Finance in Hussen’s government from 1964-66, which presented an opposing view lambasting Osman and Hussen and accusing them of corruption, massive misuse of government money, and nepotism. Qablan says that every thing bad that could have happened during the first years happened during the Osman-Hussen period. What must be underlined here, however, is that Qablan’s book is personal memories about a period in which he himself had a stake. It is not a scholarly work that has been peer reviewed. The truth is, any ardent and observant researcher can challenge Professor Abdi Samatar’s arguments and conclusions in Africa’s First Democrats, but one thing should be clear, a research that has taken more than a decade, dozens of interviews, and sifting through tons of personal diaries, governmental archives, and other research resources, cannot be simply dismissed by sly innuendos, tribal biases, personal dislikes, an undocumented oral stories. Africa’s First Democrats is indeed a well argued, well documented, well written, and a brilliant scholarship that can only be challenged by an equally weighty argument. And as Voltaire said: “To hold a pen is to be at war” and I am sure Abdi Samatar is ready for such a war. As Africa is often viewed through a patronizing foreign scholarship and distorted media, this book will be highly recommended to world leaders new to the democratic process if they have the inclination to see true Africa through African eyes

@Tallaabo said: Every nation deserves its leaders. The organised corruption free societies have visionary leaders to serve their people and Somaliland has suitable leaders/gang masters in the form of theives, fraudsters, and idiots which are right for a shortsighted, ignorant, clanish folks. Only when the common man and woman on tne streets change their values and behaviour will Somaliland get better leaders. That is the point Somalis are missing today, where ever they are these leaders are fair reflection of the society. The day when average guys stop adoring theses THUGS (NIN CADKIISA SOO DHACSANKARA), is the day when we may see clean politicians. Waxaysan is waydiin, cadkan baas ee Waraabaha loo dirsaday, cida laga dhacsanayo iyo, cida loo dhicinayo waa tuma.

Gooni, Oday si dheer wax cabiray ayaad tahay marka hore. Laba arimood ayaan ka dhuuxay hadalkaaga: - Mid hore waa, in Abdulahi Yusuf iyo reerkii uu hogaaminayey ay dowladnimadii Somaliya ayagu burburka ku bilowday, masuuliyada dhibta maanta taaganna ay ayagu qaataan. - Tan labaadna waa in Galguduud iyo Mudug hal maamul wada noqdaan. Mida hore, waan kugu raacsanahay in burburka mas'uuliyadiisa ay qeyb ku leeyihiin reerka aad sheegtay. Waxa lakin aan cadaalad aheyn in aadan xusin, in masuuliyada koowaad ee Kufsi askareedku uu bilaabay Maxamed Siyaad, asagoo wixii Somali weyn u dhexeeyey ee doorashadii ugu danbeysay dhowr iyo todabaatanka xisbi ku tartartameen kaligii jeebka ku shubtay. Lama inkiri karo in bilowgii afganbiga kooxyar oo uu ushiisa kaqaadan karo ay wax la waday Odayga. Waqti fiican oo labadii quwadood ee aduunka kutartameysayna uu kusoo aaday, taas oo fududeeysay dhisida mashaariic mug weyn ku fadhiya. Hase yeeshee marka la is barbardhigo maalinta uu xukunka qabtay Maxamed Siyaad ee shalay ku beegnayd iyo, maalinta uu ka talaabay xuduuda Mandhera waa labo sawir oo aad u kala fog. Waxa cad inuu dhaxlay dowlad iyo dad dhisan, walow ay jireen dulduleelo badan, hadana kuma sii liidan dowlad qaarada madow kutaal xiligaas. Waxa uu katagay, dowlad uu dumiyey intii ka harsaneyd una diiday in cid kale dib u yagleesho (legitimacy) iyo, dad uu dab isugu dhiibay intii aan dabka hore u qaadan. Hore waxaan uga sheegay madashan mar dhowrsano laga joogo, oo ku beegnayd dabaal deg nin u sameynayey 21ka October, in ay jirtay horaantii January 1991, ayadoo reeraraha qaarba loo sheegayo xerada ay tahay inay tagaan si loogu qeybiyo hub. Xeryahaas waxaa kamid ahaa, Xalane, Shiirkole iyo, Isha Guulwadaha. Odaygu markaas wuxuu weli ahaa madaxweynaha dalka, waxa lagala xaajoonayey maalmahaas inuu xukunka wareejiyo. Itaas ayaan ku dhaafi arinta hore. Tan labaad, waxa aan aaminsanahay horena aan madashan uga dooday, in labada gobol ee Mudug iyo Galguduud ay noqdaan hal maamul, walow ay taas ka horeyso in dadku heshiiyaan, iska cafiyaan colaadii dhexmartay, isna aaminaan. Intaas hadii aan la helin, halkooda qolo walba haku noolaadaan, colaada meelaha fog lagasoo falkiyeyna way dhamaan mardhow. Nin aan saabxiib nahay ayaan maalin dhoweyd wada kaftanay, waxa uu ku dooday in Ceerigaabo dhowr reer ay ku noolyihiin, hadana nabad lagu wada noolyahay. Maxaa sidaas Galkacyo u diiday ayuu halku dhigu ahaa. Waxa ninkaas ka hoos baxay hal arin oo muhim ah, Ceerigaabo waxa la wareegay hal reer, mana ogalaan in maamul aan aheyn kooda in magaalada uu ka jiri karo. Reeraraha kale si nabad ah way ugu noolyihiin lakin xor uma aha hadey rabaan maamul u gooni ah. Galkacyo way kafiicnaatay Ceerigaabo. Waxa reerkii halkaa katalinay heshiis la gaareen reer kale oo magaalada qeyb ka deganaa, walow markaas sanado magaalada dibada ka joogeen. Waxa lagu heshiiyey, in qolada markaa magaalada wada maamuleysay iyo, qolada dibada joogtayba ay ku wada noolaadaan magaalada. Qolo walbana uu maamulkooda gaar u noqdo. Arintaas waxay sabab u noqotay in Galkacyo dhinacyada dhismaha iyo ganacsigaba ay aad u fiday marka la bar bar dhigo Ceerigaabo oo reerihii deganaa ay qaar marti ku yihiin xaga maamulka. Intaas ayaan ku dhaafi.

@gooni said: cadnaan lool maxaad noo wada cayday come down son, easy take some hot tea. yuunis awoowe fikradda qaar waa dacar ama waa kharaar, balse qofkaad khilaafto waxaa loo sheegaa inaydaan isku si wax u arag adigoon waxba ka sheegin. tan mowduucaan aragtidayda ilama hagaagsana in la burburiyo dhul dhaqaale lagu dhisay,xataa haddii maamulku dib u bixiyo ilaahayna ma jecla dadka maalka ku ciyaara. magaalooyinka ugu horumarka fiican mustaqbalka waa kuwa lawada dego beel keliya isma indho buuxiso hadday isku dhacaan dhexdooduna waa ka dhib badan tahay tan kale. dhaqaalaha iyo tartanku wuxuu isu bedelaa xadaarad hoosta un layska caayo balse dhib dhimasho gaaro way ka gudbi aakhirka. Burburinta dhisidda way ka dhib yar tahay balse xal waara makeento. Gaalkacyo aqoontayda waa magaalo dhacda bartamaha mustaqbalkeeda dhaqaalana xoog badan yahay, u malayn maayo inay jirto cid ka faa'iidaysa dhib ku yimaada magagaaladaas quruxda badan. Wiilal badan markay dhintaan, yaa meesheedii laga miisi,dagaalkooduna nus saac ma dhaafo isla markiiba way haraadayaan dadku waa ku daalay dhib aan dhamaad lahayn. Awoowe, Cidna ma caayin, kaliya waxaan taabtay caqliga Maryooleyda maanta. Ninkaa wax tusaaleeyeyna waxaan cabiray tusaalihiisa mugga uu ku fadhiyo.