Somalia for the second time has pulled out of a long-awaited deal to repatriate more than half a million Somali refugees, and Kenya is now considering dealing with the administration of the Jubaland region. The tripartite commission was to be launched yesterday but the Somalia delegation failed to "show commitment" to the process, hence, cancellation of the event at the eleventh hour. A source at the ministry of Foreign Affairs told the Star yesterday that Nairobi may instead engage with Jubaland, which borders Kenya and where most of those repatriated would return to "if the Somali government fails to move the process forward”. "This process cannot be held to ransom by Mogadishu, which apparently is not willing to take this process forward," he said, speaking on condition he not be quoted by name because of the sensitivity of the issue. Kenya was instrumental in the formation of the semi-autonomous region whose capital is Kismayu where the Kenya Defence Forces are based. "I can tell you this government (Kenya) is not happy. This process must go on with or without Somalia," the source said. The latest attempt to kick-start the process was slated for yesterday in Nairobi where Deputy President William Ruto, Foreign Affairs Cabinet Secretary xxx NAME and her Somalia counterpart were expected to participate. Senior officials from international humanitarian organisations were also expected. The Star has learnt that the Kenyan government is now considering convening a meeting in which it will seek to bring onboard Jubaland, instead of the Somalia government based in Mogadishu. Last week, a delegation led by Jubaland Deputy President Abdullahi Ismail Fartaag was in the country. In May, Kenya had appointed Hillary Kyengo as the consul to Kismayu. However, the spokesperson for the ministry of the Interior Mwenda Njoka and Kenya's ambassador to Somalia Josephat Maikara downplayed the latest rift between the two neighboring countries. In May, the Somalia government pulled out of the talks in what it called a protest against the "harassment" of its nationals in Kenya. It called Kenya's actions, part of its anti-terrorism campaign, contrary to the "letter and spirit of both the 1951 Refugee Convention and the Tripartite Agreement". It was not immediately established why President Hassan Shiekh Mohamud's government pulled out again. An official reason was not given. Jubaland is headed by former warlord Sheikh Ahmed Madobe, who before he was installed as the leader of the semi-autonomous region, was the head of the Ras Kamboni brigad that fought along the KDF in the fight against the al Shabaab militia. Somalia's ambassador to Kenya was not available for comment on his country's latest withdrawal, since he is said to be visiting Canada. According to government sources, the process of refugee repatriation has been dogged by confusion after the Somalia government 'showed no commitment' to play an integral role in the process. The scheduled launch was also expected to produce agreements on a number of joint actions, including the launch of a pilot phase of a voluntary return programme that has been on hold for several months. This pull-out has also left in limbo thousands of Somali refugees expelled from cities during the recent security crackdown and sent totcrowded refugee camps. According to the tripartite agreement signed in November last year, the formation of the12-member commission was crucial to kick-start the gradual and voluntary repatriation of refugees. The commission members are from Kenya, Somalia, and the UN refugee agency, UNHCR. In May, the Star revealed that Somalia was offended by the inroads Nairobi has been making in t Jubaland and Somaliland, the two main self-proclaimed independent states within Somalia “without involving the leadership of the Somalia government.” Source: http://www.the-star.co.ke/ http://www.somaliaonline.com/kenya-is-considering-sending-half-a-million-somali-refugees-to-jubaland-after-the-somali-government-pulls-out-of-the-refugee-repatriation-talks/

Federal national democratic election is not a new concept to Somalia politics. The country conducted last one person-one-vote democratic election in 1967. The cycle of free elections and democratic system of governance has ended with the assassination of President Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke, and the subsequent military coup d'état on October 21, 1969. The civil war in 1991 was the consequence of the military regime’s policies led by Mohamed Siad Bare. During the civil war, the country has gone through few transitional federal governments, leading up to the 2012 election of the current government and the end of the transitional government led by Sharif Sheik Ahmed. The current government was well received and recognized by the Somali people and the international community. Apparently, its term ends with a general election set to take place in 2016. Therefore, the government put forward a ‘vision 2016’ in order to develop a legitimate democratic process in the country. It is worth mentioning that majority of Somalis and in particular, those who were young or born during the civil war have not experienced a democratic system of government and have very little knowledge about government institutions. Currently, the present government is under siege by Al Shabab, who repeatedly stage attacks that successfully penetrate the heart of the government seats, such as the presidential palace and the house of parliament. The government’s survival depends on more than twenty thousand African led peacekeeping troops (AMISON) from Uganda, Burundi, Ethiopia, Kenyan, Sierra Leone, and Djibouti, which are deployed in and around Mogadishu. The country is struggling with rule of law, constitutional constraints, inadequate governance, public security and unresolved national grievances. Moreover, although government focused more effort to squash Al Shabab with the help of AMISON and Somali National Army; the challenges facing the country are real and undeniable. In the face of these mounting challenges would it be realistic to conduct a liberal democracy based on a one-person one-vote election process in 2016? Vision 2016 and optimism: On September 2, 2013, the Somalia President hosted a five-day national conference (‘Vision 2016’) held in Mogadishu with 200 delegates in attendance. The ‘Vision 2016’ is intended as a national dialogue expected to focus on key issues on the Somali’s future, developing federal systems, democracy, arranging the constitution and setting up a policy for the country to have free and fair elections held in 2016. This conference was in preparation for the government’s invitation to Brussels for the New Deal conference on Sept 16, 2013. At “Vision 2016," the President expressed his government’s vision for the remainder of his term. “The objective of the Conference was to advance a Somali-owned political process and to solicit the opinions of the Somali people, including members of parliament, regional authorities, civil-society groups and experts, as well as members of the diaspora to ensure the constitutional review and implementation process, together with the process of transitioning to democratic legitimacy." The theme addressed by delegates were constitutional development, review, oversight and implementation; models of federalism, good governance and reform; the electoral process and party politics, and political outreach, public engagement, reconciliation and justice. While some Somalis and international community members felt that the vision was carefully thought out and an appropriate solution for the country's problems; the question remains whether there is enough time between now and the government’s end of the term to implement all the critical elements and hold a genuine national election. The President rebuffs any calls for re-evaluating the ambitions of the 2016 election and is adamant "by the end of the term of the current Federal Government of Somalia in September 2016, there shall be no attempts for extension of the mandate whatever the excuse.” This vision could be groundbreaking for the country, if it is handled well. If it is only a rush to make a point or political gain, it will neither help the country nor make the vision a reality. Public and International misgivings: Although the international community funded and supported the conference in Mogadishu, concerns about its outcome persist. The United Nations Special Representative for Somalia, Ambassador Nicholas Kay, who addressed the conference of September 2nd, 2013, has told Sabahi that for the government to review its constitution and then hold a referendum and elections by 2016 is "a mighty hill to climb." He adds that "the federal government is tasked to move Somalia towards a genuine transition to democracy in the space of just three years… this is a daunting responsibility, but United Nations will spare no effort to support it." The Ambassador acknowledges that the country faces many challenges in the development, economic, security, governance and human rights sectors, but he believes the over‐riding challenge of Somalia is political. Ambassador Kay’s speech is grounded with caution, and he is not alone in this regard, as many Somalis have expressed concern about all the underlining issues, the country faces that will present a huge challenge for an election to successfully take place in such a short period. There are the other important and overriding matters as well, including the issue of regional administrations (power and resource sharing) and national truth and reconciliation (acknowledgment of grievances), which, though mentioned in the vision 2016, require more clarity on how to achieve before national election takes place. Leadership expectations: The term leadership has many definitions, but one that resonates is that “Leadership is a process of social influence, which maximizes the efforts of others, towards the achievement of a [common] goal." Early this year the current Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs, Farah Sheikh Abdulkadir Mohamed, gave an interview to Sabahi on the subject of the government’s Vision 2016. The minister summarized the ‘Vision 2016’s central points, including; revision of the provisional constitution, holding of a referendum on the constitution and to hold a free and fair election on one-person, one-vote. However, when the minister was asked about reconciliation and whether his government is prioritizing this important issue, he failed to acknowledge the need for reconciliation, limiting his response to the fact that there is no problem between the Somali public and the Federal government. The minister recognized the need to tackle reconciliation at various levels; it is unfortunate; however, if the attitude of the minister to reconciliation and the healing of the wounds of the civil war is a reflection of a government policy to bury the reconciliation process under the blanket of ‘Vision 2016’. Somali-own national reconciliation is crucial for the survival of the country, and its unity. The Minister’s perception is not an exception, as some Somali intellectuals have publicly stated that reconciliation means there is a victim and that there is no victim in Somalia. This argument perhaps is valid in the sense that all Somalis are victims, both of their own making and by forces outside of their control, but as the minister said, ‘there are people who have grievances with one another’. Masking or bandaging the problem does not move the country forward, but makes it stagnant. For those who also argue, where we will stop the bus once we get into such things as reconciliation, I say wherever it takes to have a healthy society. It is well known that the majority of Somali grievances started in 1980s and have continued to the present. This is a good place to start. After the fall of the military regime in 1991, Somalia dissolved institutionally and socially; today Somalia is a fragmented country and is administratively separated. To bring the nation together and achieve national consensus will require extraordinary leadership, and a new way of thinking that can bridge the gap between various sections of the Somali society. To underestimate and simplify the climate and tragedy of the country's recent history, as it appears in the minister’s interview, is a huge disservice to the people of Somalia. Somali leaders present and future, federal or regional are expected to usher the country onto a path that heals and unites, not to live in denial of today’s reality or simply stick to one’s personal loyalty, script or identity. Reconciliation is not as scary word as some presume; it is a necessary component that all Somalis need to address with each other in order for healing, forgiveness and compromise to occur -for the sake of the country. The concept of peace and reconciliation are tossed around in all Somali communications, including that coming from ‘Vision 2016’; however, Somali society and its leaders, in particular, need to understand first what reconciliation means to them and second, why it is necessary. If one cannot define the problem, one cannot find a solution. Leadership means setting a goal and having a vision. ‘Vision 2016’ is a start in the right direction; however, when there is a barrier or challenge to that vision, a good leader does not forge ahead, but recognizes the problem and finds a solution to make it workable. A free and fair national election in 2016 appears as a steep hill to climb, but optimism is always a healthy choice. Somalia needs proactive, open-minded, well-educated leaders with excellent communication skills who understand the country’s history and know what it takes to heal the society. What it does not need; is a leader burdened with nostalgia, who does not know the reality of today’s Somali society, or a leader who has split loyalties and identities and does not have what it takes to bring people together above his or her own reality. Vision 2016 is a very good plan, but clarity on how this ambitious and important vision will be put together realistically and in a timely manner still needs to be established. Finally, as Somalia ventures into the uncharted waters of the liberal-democratic federalism in 2016, its leaders, when making choices, need to be cognizant about which identity is important to them and which of their many loyalties are most salient when making decisions. Moreover, Somali leaders, both current and future have to be ready with new ideas to resolve issues, while at the same time allowing society to exercise their own problem solving muscles. The sentiment of the 2016 election was summed up by Asha Gelle Diriye, who is one of the current Constitutional Review Committee members and one of the original participants of the Vision 2016, comments to Sabahi "If the election is not held in 2016, it is important to find another option that can be used as a substitute for one person, one vote." It is not impossible to have a democratic election in the country; Puntland region held a different kind of successful democratic election in January, 2014 where they elected their current President, Professor, Abdiweli Mohamed Ali Gaas. To use Hillary Rodham Clinton’s words from her book ‘Hard Choices’; “democracy works only if political leaders put the common good ahead of personal interest." Somalia needs and deserves after over two decades of fragmentation, leaders with good leadership skills that can usher the country’s political challenges ahead. Farhia Ali Abdi is co-founder of Somali Women’s Circle Network SWCN and holds a B.A.in Psychology, Master of Interdisciplinary Studies with concentration in (work and organizational leadership) and Certificates in Project Management, Facilitation, Conflict Resolution. Farhia lives in Ottawa, Canada http://www.somaliaonline.com/2016-election-optimism-misgivings-and-leadership-analysis-by-farhia-ali-abdi/

YoutubeFarah Mohamed Shirdon was a Calgarian Somali-Canadian ISIS fighter reportedly killed abroad. A young Calgary man who is believed to have been killed in Iraq fighting for ISIS was “dead inside” long ago, says his former best friend.Social media reports on Friday said Farah Mohamed Shirdon, a 21-year-old Somali-Canadian, had died overseas.It’s unclear when he joined the terrorist group Islamic State of Iraq and Al-Sham but in an ISIS video that surfaced four months ago, Mr. Shirdon can be seen burning his Canadian passport and threatening Canada and the United States.“He was never like that before,” said Nathaniel Little, 21. “He had a great multitude of friends in Calgary. Everybody liked him.”Mr. Little met Mr. Shirdon when the two were in Grade 8 at John Ware School in Calgary. Mr. Shirdon’s family had just emigrated from Somalia. Courtesy of a friend of Farah Mohamed ShirdonFarah Mohamed Shirdon, far right, before he left Canada. “He was a nerd and we hung out in a circle of nerds,” said Mr. Little. “He was extremely funny. … That’s what drew people to him was his sense of humour.”The two worked part-time jobs at Orange Julius and Mr. Shirdon also worked at the local movie theatre. He was a hard worker who didn’t particularly like school but studied hard to please his family.He was religious but “would never press his beliefs on anyone,” said Mr. Little.While Mr. Shirdon was a “very confident” young man, he also had a temper and was desperate to fit in, his friend said.“[He] never threw fists or anything … but when he was angry he’d make fun of people. He’d belittle them,” said Mr. Little. Courtesy of a friend of Farah Mohamed ShirdonFarah Mohamed Shirdon, right, before he left Canada. In Grade 12, while attending Henry Wise Wood Senior High School, the friends drifted apart.Mr. Shirdon started partying and selling marijuana. He deleted most of his Facebook friends, except Muslim ones.“I saw his morals slowly start to decline,” said Mr. Little.The last time Mr. Little saw Mr. Shirdon was May 2012.In the April ISIS video, Mr. Shirdon wears glasses and can be seen tearing up and burning his passport. He threatens Canadians and Americans.“This is a message to Canada and all the American tyrants: We are coming and we will destroy you, with permission from Allah the almighty,” he said mostly in English. “I left comfort for one reason alone. For Allah.”Mr. Little said he didn’t recognize his friend in the video.“It clearly wasn’t him anymore,” he said. When he learned of his death, Mr. Little tweeted: “The guy I knew was already dead inside, it’s still very disheartening to hear the news about my former friend. R.I.P. Farah Shirdon”On Friday, the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade said it was aware of reports a Canadian was killed in Iraq and was following the situation closely.Mr. Shirdon’s family, including a mother, two brothers and at least one sister, were members of Calgary’s Somali-Canadian community.Mohamed Jama, the Somali Canadian Society of Calgary president, described the family as “normal.”“It’s very hard for his family,” he said. “Even the parents have no idea why this young man has [gone] to join this radical group.”Mr. Jama was unaware Mr. Shirdon had been killed, calling the news “shocking.”On a Twitter account believed to belong to Mr. Shirdon, a tweet from June read, “Beheading Shias is a beautiful thing.”The account, under the pseudonym Abu Usamah, had more than 10,000 followers.Mr. Jama said the Somali community in Calgary didn’t understand why Mr. Shirdon radicalized.“It’s very hard to believe,” he said. “Especially a young person who grew up in the Western [world] and goes to a place he has no ethnicity, no community, no language.”Mr. Jama described the actions of ISIS as a “killing phenomena.”Mr. Shirdon is one of several Calgary men who went overseas to fight for extremist groups in recent years.In January Calgarian Damian Clairmont died in Syria after converted to Islam following a suicide attempt. In November 2013 Pakistani-Canadian Salman Ashfrafi was blamed for a suicide bombing that killed 19 Iraqis.“The RCMP is aware that there is issue with the radicalization to violence of individuals in the Calgary area who are leaving to take part in terrorist activities overseas,” said RCMP spokesperson Sgt. Josée Valiquette. “We take the threats of terrorism and radicalization to violence very seriously.”While Mr. Little is still “blown away” by the changes in his friend, he has an explanation for his radicalization.“Farah was very easily manipulated throughout his life. If someone thought he was cool and he knew it, they could basically make him do anything they want,” he said. “That’s what he really wanted, was to feel accepted.”National Post, with a file from Stewart Bell Courtesy of a friend of Farah Mohamed ShirdonFarah Mohamed Shirdon, centre, before he left Canada Source: National Post http://www.somaliaonline.com/farah-mohamed-shirdon-calgary-isis-fighter-reportedly-killed-in-iraq-was-partying-and-dead-inside-long-ago-friend-say/

Source: FNA http://www.somaliaonline.com/photo-news-hundreds-of-somali-university-students-in-mogadishu-gather-to-protest-against-israels-offensive-against-gaza/

Multiple social media reports in Iraq say that a young Calgary man who appeared in an ISIS video four months ago has been killed in Iraq. Farah Mohamed Shirdon, a Calgarian fighting overseas with the militant group Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, was seen in the video burning his Canadian passport and threatening to destroy Iraq's oppressors. The Department of Foreign Affairs says it is aware of reports that a Canadian was killed in Iraq and is following the situation closely. A man claiming to be Shirdon's brother has been tweeting online — asking jihadi contacts for information on how Shirdon died. Shirdon, who had been enrolled in the Southern Alberta Institute of Technology until at least 2012, came from a prominent and well-educated Somali family. His father’s brother, Abdi Farah Shirdon, was a former prime minister of Somalia who has survived numerous attempts on his life by al-Shabab militants fighting for an Islamic state in Somalia under the banner of al-Qaeda. Shirdon’s mother and sister currently live in Calgary and are deeply involved in the religious life of their community. Attempts by CBC News to reach Shirdon's family have so far been unsuccessful. Foreign Affairs Minister John Baird told reporters following a news conference in London, Ont., he was aware of the reports but could not speak to the specific facts of the case. "It's a sad reality that, from time to time, a small number of Canadians — radicalized — participate in these type of activities," Baird added. The Department of Foreign Affairs is advising Canadians "against all non-essential travel to Iraq due to the dangerous and unpredictable security situation.” Source: CBC http://www.somaliaonline.com/a-nephew-of-former-prime-minister-shirdoon-who-appeared-in-an-isis-video-four-months-ago-is-reported-to-have-been-killed-in-iraq/

The film Jaws was released in the summer of 1975. It slowly made its way to beach towns around the world, inspiring nightmares and cementing sunbathers to the sand. When Jaws arrived in Mogadishu, Somalia, people might have thought New England was a nearby place, and even that the film was about their own town. Between 1978 and 1987, 30 shark attacks were documented off of Mogadishu’s famous Lido Beach. All but two were fatal. The construction of a new port had broken through coral reefs, allowing bull and tiger sharks to come closer to shore. Most of the fatalities occurred in the summer months of the monsoon, when the salinity of the water attracted even more sharks. During these years, the rains coincided with Ramadan, just as the abattoir up the coast went into high gear, throwing entrails of goats, camels, and cattle into the water. Mogadishu in the 80s was a capital of wide, tree-lined streets, coral-stone homes, and a famous Indian Ocean breeze. Since it was settled around a thousand years ago, it has occupied a space at the crossroads of the Mediterranean, African, Asian, and Arab worlds. The openness of its people, a seaside virtue, is on display at the beaches, especially along popular Lido, in the center of town. Back then, a running club met once a week there. Somalis and expatriates jogged together in shorts, the women unveiled. Stalls lined the street behind Lido where kids would sell sea exotica and ivory. Beach clubs dotted the stretch of sand, where you could have lunch on the deck and watch people wade into the water. The slaughterhouse along the coast that brought the sharks was always busy. Somali society centered on livestock, especially camels; despite having the longest coastline on the continent, Somalis never ate much fish. President Siad Barre, who had come to power in a 1969 military coup, set about establishing fishing cooperatives and declared two days of the week as fish-eating days to stave off food shortages. Eventually, Somalis tired of Barre’s brand of scientific socialism. In practice it came to focus more on elaborate displays of statehood—constructing dozens of monuments and organizing regular parades—than on the actual workings of a state. His style of management stood at odds with the population he sought to control, for which self-reliance and private enterprise has always reigned. Finally, mired in corruption and weakened by several clan-based armed opposition groups, the government fell in 1991. Barre fled the country, and the national army dissolved. So began a war whose end we have not yet seen. Divisive clan politics laid waste to Somali society, and a catastrophic famine accompanied state collapse. More than 300,000 people died of hunger the following year, prompting the first of many botched international interventions. One morning before dawn in December 1992, more than 100 foreign journalists waited on a beach just south of Lido. They watched the dark ocean, looking for signs of a supposedly secret US Marines operation intended to pave the way for food distribution. A CBS news crew caught the arrival of the advance reconnaissance team with night-vision scopes, and they broadcast it live. “This is literally a three-ring circus here on this beach right now,” a captain shouted over to the press corps. For the next 20 years Mogadishu’s beaches were quieter. People stayed indoors, fearful of spontaneous firefights that pockmarked the city’s white coral walls and left rubble in most streets. Breaks in the violence never lasted long. When I visited in January, the peace on Lido did not feel like a mirage. Facing the sea, my back to the ruins, I could almost touch it. The throngs of people were thick, and walking through them made me think it would be impossible to feel lonely in this city, if only because of the beach. It was Friday, a holiday, and everyone was here. Ever since fundamentalist al Shabaab militants were chased from the city by an African Union peacekeeping force three years ago, Lido Beach has become a trope for peace, the stage for Mogadishu’s renaissance. Journalists get their color from Lido, describing the azure water and the reopened cafés. Last year, a seaside restaurant was bombed—a symptom of al Shabaab’s changing strategy in Mogadishu, where they now pursue guerrilla-style IED and suicide attacks. These days, private security guards surround the perimeters of the cafés. Kalashnikovs hang loosely around the arms of men who have worn them for one militia or another their entire adult lives—and in some cases even since childhood. Behind them, young members of the Somali diaspora from Canada, Sweden, and Britain sit at tables sipping lattes. Many of them now work for the new government. Before coming back, their memories of the city were filled in by parents who knew Lido before the war. We had come to take portraits on the beach and were setting up our lights on the balcony of a restaurant. The security team we’d hired blended in easily. To hold the table, we ordered a pitcher of mango juice—which no one really drank and instead just got in the way of all the batteries and lenses. Everyone watched us. Our gear and frantic preparations prompted many English speakers to come over and ask what we were up to. Protected by the restaurant’s own security detail and high barbed-wire fences, they loved the idea, they said. They wanted to show the world Somalia’s positive side. But they did not want to be photographed themselves. People on the beach were more willing. Groups of young boys volunteered one another to be subjects. Some put piles of sand on their heads to get our attention. Soon we had to start turning people away. The photos have no agenda, aside from trying to show normalcy, to introduce images of daily life from a country where the ordinary, to an outsider, is remarkable. If they were to contain a political statement about the direction of Somalia, they would serve to ignore the turbulence of the country’s past. The images are records of who was on Lido Beach on a day in late January—what they wore and whether they were smiling. After a string of deadly attacks in Mogadishu and neighboring Kenya earlier this year, al Shabaab threatened to scale up bombings during Ramadan. The Somali police closed the beach in response. The crowds have gone once again. Roopa Gogineni Source: http://www.vice.com http://www.somaliaonline.com/summer-at-mogadishus-lido-beach-portraits-from-a-somali-beach-that-is-no-longer-quiet/

In December 2012, the U.S. Department of Justice levied a $1.9 billion fine against HSBC Holdings PLC. The bank’s failure to enforce money laundering controls had allowed illegal organizations to maneuver around U.S. banking laws to launder money for decades. HSBC’s fine and the recent tightening of international finance restrictions have led several financial institutions to reevaluate the security of accounts(many in Latin America and Africa) that do not have the “proper checks in place to spot criminal activity and could therefore unwittingly be facilitating money laundering and terrorist financing,” according to a Barclays’ statement. This development will have a particularly serious impact on Somalia.Money transfer operations (MTOs) and access to accounts held with multinational banks are particularly important in Somalia, where MTOs are used for remittances, the “financial lifeline” for many Somalians. Remittances in Somalia channel almost $2 billion, making up over a third of the counry’s GDP with 80 percent of new business ventures in Somali territories funded or supported by remittances. For a country still struggling to recover from a decades-long civil war, famine, and continuing violence, Somalia lacks any form of banking or institutionalized financial system. In effect, MTOs with accounts through Barclays, Moneygram, and Western Union are the financial system.Following in the footsteps of several large banks, Barclays announced in May 2013 that by July 10, the company would shut down accounts to almost two hundred and fifty MTOs in North and East Africa. Dahabshiil, Barclays’ premier partner in East Africa and largest MTO in the Horn of Africa, brought Barclays to the British High Court to protest the closures that would effect millions of their clients. In April 2014, Dahabshiil won an injunction to delay the account closures until October 2014. Barclays’ precautionary actions to avoid inadvertently channeling money for illegal activity will have devastating effects on Somalia’s already “fragile economic recovery.”The closure of these MTO accounts will destabilize any progress made over the past decade. With the injunction’s expiration date rapidly approaching, and few viable options for Dahabshiil, the money transfer industry might soon be pushed underground, where it will be nearly impossible to monitor or track illegal activity.OxFam International claimed it was “a bleak day for Somalis” when Barclays announced their closures last May. In Somalia, 4.2 million citizens rely on money transfers as a substantial portion of their income for basic needs like food, clothing, shelter, education, and medical care.Annually, the amount of transferred remittances from displaced Somalians far exceeds the amount of international aid sent by foreign governments to Somalia. International aid organizations and NGOs rely on MTOs for their finances. If they cannot receive their funds or can only access capital at a higher cost, the need for humanitarian aid will skyrocket. It is likely that nations with high Somalian populations (United States and United Kingdom) will burden taxpayers with the cost of dispensing foreign aid to address education issues, food security, and economic growth.The humanitarian, academic, and political outcry all reiterate—“Somalia is different.” The country cannot afford to lose the Barclays partnership. Barclays, and other enormous institutions are positioned to promote transparency and stability in the Somalian financial system. With the cooperation of many African nations and Western governments, these banks have the opportunity to not only strengthen money transfer channels and bolster the African financial system. Achieving that would ensure the livelihood of an estimated 40 percent of Somalians who rely on MTOs as the country “begins to see the light at the end of the tunnel.” Sarah Madden is a volunteer intern for the Council on Foreign Relations, Department of Studies. She is currently a student at Santa Clara University studying business economics and entrepreneurship. Her interests are in Africa, economic development, and emerging markets. http://www.somaliaonline.com/international-finance-somalia-is-different-by-sarah-madden/

The Finnish Security Intelligence Service (Supo) estimates that there are about 200 people in Finland who have contacts with violent groups abroad. Yle interviewed the father of one of them, a young Somali Finn linked to the extremist group Islamic State. According to Faisal Ali Warabe, a Somali-born Finn who reportedly died fighting in Syria earlier this year was his son's cousin -- and may have encouraged him to join the extremist group. Faisal Ali Warabe has identified the young man in this recent video as his son. Image: YleThe Finnish Security Intelligence Service estimates that are some 200 people in Finland who have contacts with violent groups abroad. Most of these individuals have links to extremist Islamist organisations, says Chief Inspector Tuomas Portaankorva of the Finnish Security Intelligence Service (Supo). Interviewed by the Yle TV1 programme A-studio on Monday evening, he said some Finns have contacts with leaders of terrorist groups overseas. Portaankorva Image: YlePortaankorva says about 40 people have left Finland to fight in Syria, including native-born Finns.Yle's A-Studio journalist Kyösti Hagert recently interviewed Faisal Ali Warabe, a resident of Finland and a former presidential candidate in his native Somalia. He has identified himself as the father of a Finnish jihadist who recently appeared in a propaganda video by the militant fundamentalist group that now calls itself Islamic State. Warabe says he contacted Finnish police in the past to report fears that his son was becoming radicalised. He said that his son may have been encouraged to join the extremist militant group by his cousin -- a Somali-born Espoo resident who reportedly died fighting in Syria earlier this year. The interview took place on July 4, with Warabe speaking from Hargeisa in Somaliland. Excerpts from the interview transcript follow. "The internet caused my son to change" Q: How did it feel when your son became an extremist? A: I was extremely shocked because I was not expecting this from him. I cannot conceive what compelled him to do this. If I have to guess, [it was because] I was busy from 1992 with our country’s, Somalia’s issues. So I can say that the father’s role model was lacking. Q: Are you disappointed by what your son has done? A: I was deeply disappointed, I was even shocked. Q: Earlier you told me that your son was reserved and a friend of the Finnish people. What happened then; why is he changed or what changed him? A: First, it has been about three years since he has been practicing the religion. He started in 2010. It means that he is deeply schooled in the religion. Second, he used the internet and this is the place that caused my son to change. The Somali religious scholars in Finland are very good scholars and they try to shield them from extreme elements by keeping the Somali youth in hand. Q: Today you said to me “I am giving parents a warning to be aware of what their children are doing and monitor their children’s time in the mosque”. Why? A: First of all, when I look at Finland, it is an open country whose openness even extended to hiring religious teachers for the Somalis and for other Muslims as well. So I cannot see any reason that would drive our children to become radicals when they [the Finns] treated us so well. In my understanding the problem arises because [somali] parents are not monitoring their children as well as they [Finnish parents] monitor theirs and not limiting the time that the children are in [Koranic] school. When [youngsters] say 'I'm at school', [parents] assume that they are in a safe place as it used to be and they cannot know who they’re in contact with. So I would like to tell parents to keep an eye on their children, particularly Somali parents should monitor their children. When they are using the internet, [parents] have to know what websites they are logging into or browsing. I know I was away from my son and I think my absence caused this problem. Q: But going to mosque or to pray can’t turn someone radical or extremist? A: First, the issue is not limited to Somalis in Finland or in Europe. A while ago I read in your newspapers that 40 people left Finland, 16 of them are originally foreigners and 24 native Finnish people who converted to Islam. This is a general phenomenon which is not only specific to us. After seeing this trend, it would be wise to keep an eye the children in the religion, the children that were previously brought into the religion to protect them from extremists, after we have seen the results of radicalism. Passport renewed despite family's warning Q: How the police begin their investigation into your son's militant connections? A: I said 'arrest him for me' and he was arrested. When he escaped from Hargeisa [in north-western Somalia] I seized his passport and he went to Garowe [north-eastern Somalia] to get a passport after evading the soldiers guarding the house. We last spotted him when he was at Laas Caanood [Las Anod, northern Somalia] and I asked the government to detain him and they did. After that I bought him a ticket to return to Finland. At that time I came from [place deleted] to Finland. So I caught him but there is no one else who suspected he was a terrorist. Q: But when you asked the police to detain your son, didn't they investigate whether he had terrorist connections? A: He was investigated. I said 'Investigate his mobile telephone and his contacts'. His iPhone was screened, but they found nothing. I then asked them to send him to me in Finland. We informed the police of his return to Finland. They knew about him because we used to give them information. There were two policemen assigned to us to whom we used to give information. We said to them, 'You see that we brought him back and we suspect him, so do not renew his passport'. But when the passports were renewed, they went to that place. Q: Did the two policemen come to you there; did they came to you in Somaliland or not? A: No, they used to come to the house, they used to contact my wife by coming and asking about the developing situation when he was arrested in Somaliland. The girl’s family [son’s wife] filed a complaint at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs saying that their daughter had been taken away and was missing. We told them [the Ministry] that no one has taken their daughter but they are married and that they [the son and his wife] returned to Somaliland and were under police investigation. Q: In June a boy from Leppävaara [Espoo, Finland] who was a friend of your son’s, died in the war. Do you know anything about him? A: He was his cousin, he was the son of my son’s uncle [maternal uncle]. He was there for two years, he was there one year before my son. He is the one who may have influenced my son and invited him to go there. We informed the government and the police about them. We asked them [police] not to renew his passport which was about to expire. They refused, saying that they found no evidence of crime. That cousin who died, may Allah be merciful unto him, influenced him. Q: Do you know when his cousin became radicalised, or when he joined? A: He left in 2012, before my son. When my son went to Somaliland, this cousin went to Syria. When I brought him back from Somaliland, [the cousin] contacted him. Gaza and ISIS spread driving extremism Q: Now that your son and his cousin got in to this danger, became extremists, is it possible that others could follow them? An Israeli shell explodes in Gaza on 9 August.Image: EPAA: There are two things encouraging extremism now: first what is happening in Gaza now, what Israel is doing there is encouraging it. The other is victories gained by ISIS, the places they captured are also encouraging. So it is possible these two issues may attract the young who do not know the religion well. But we maintain communication, we continue to try and regain our son and to restore his mind and goodness; that is what we want. Him and the other Finnish ones who are away, because we have to try hard to get back our people and work together as parents and with the government. Q: Are there friends of your son and his cousin who are extremists? A: No, no, not of our children. They carried out national military service [in Finland], he is the only one; may Allah show him the right path. Q: How long has your son been in Syria? A: He went in April or May last year. Q: His wife is with him, and she is Finnish-Somali as well? Q: He took her. Now, days before [they left] we were told that she is pregnant and we rejoiced because we assumed that he’d bring his wife back if she is pregnant. We were also told that she fasted [for Ramadan] in Turkey in order to bring him back but she did not find a way to get him to travel. Q: How has her family reacted to her going with him and staying there? A: We talked and contacted her but I think that her family have cut her off... It seems that way. We talk to her most and I do not know much about the relationship between the girl and her mother but we are in touch a lot. My son’s mother and siblings are in touch too, but I do not know about the relations in that family. Q: What did your son said to his mother when she asked him to come home? Does he listen to his mother? What does he say when his mother contacts him? A: I do not know what he said to her, but she contacted him daily, telling him to come….Once he attempted to leave Syria, but he did not get a way out because the border was closed. I do not know more than that. Q: Have you talked to him? A: No, I did not talk to him while he was there. The communication was through his mother and siblings. I did not talk to him. Q: How did his mother keep in touch with him, the computer, by telephone, what did she use? A: I guess with Facebook. ISIS tightening grip in Syria Q: If his children live there what kind of life would they live? A: Actually, he was living in a village during the year he was there and there was no war. But now it seems that war is approaching and the government and ISIS will clash there. So now he is in danger. Our worry is the birth of the child, his wife and himself. Instead of worrying about two now, we are worrying about three, if Allah wills it. ISIS fighters in Syria Image: Reuters TVQ: Syria is a dangerous place – do you think your son is in danger? A: Danger was upon him from the time he arrived there. Once it was said that he was dead but later it was said that he is alive. Everyone dies but he is in danger. And I would like to stress that we need the government to give us a hand to ensure his return and the return of others. I am extremely worried. After he came out in the video, those who brought him there brought [the video] to him, it was seen all over the world, the danger increases. So I would like the government to help us on this issue, since he has not fought in a single war yet. He was working for the humanitarian side only, he has not yet seen combat. He was working on humanitarian grounds, collecting the wounded from battlefields. My son is not yet a real combatant. Extremism is non-Islamic Q: As a father, how you see extremism, is it good or bad? A: Extremism is non-Islamic. I believe that people aiming to disgrace Muslims are behind these issues and that these [extremists] are being used. I mean indirect hands are involved in this issue to disgrace Islam. What they are doing now such as killing people, suicide bombing, killing Christians or non-believers is not written anywhere in Islam. That is shameful, according to our religion. During the era of the Prophet, peace be upon Him, Muslims and non-Muslims lived side by side. For example the Koranic Sura of the Unbelievers says that every nation has its own religion ["To you your religion, and to me mine"]. So, my view is that some people whose aim is to disgrace the Islamic religion are using these methods but this is not based on any Islamic vision; it is not an Islamic vision at all. Q: If your son wanted join to a group, there is al-Shabaab in Somalia, why didn’t he join al-Shabaab instead of going to Syria? A: I cannot answer that question, but whether they are in Afghanistan, Mali, Somalia or Iraq they have the same principles. Q: Do you mean Syrian ISIS and Somali Al-Shabaab have the same principles? A: They are the same, they share the same vision, because their basic goal is to establish an Islamic state. Killing people or dividing people into Christians and Muslims cannot be the basis for the establishment of Islamic states. But their vision is to rule places where Muslims live with Islamic Shari’a but their method is wrong. Source: http://yle.fi http://www.somaliaonline.com/faysal-ali-waraabe-says-a-deceased-extremist-cousin-and-the-internet-may-have-radicalized-my-son/

Both state House candidates spent Monday afternoon knocking on residents' doors before Tuesday’s primary election. Hours before the polls open for Tuesday’s primary election, the two leading candidates vying to represent the University of Minnesota’s area at the Capitol are making their final cases to voters. Long-time incumbent Rep. Phyllis Kahn, DFL-Minneapolis, is facing a strong challenger, Somali-born Mohamud Noor, who is a city school board member with support from many elected officials, including former Minneapolis Mayor R.T. Rybak. Both candidates hope to maximize turnout in the primary election, because it will likely decide the fate of the spot to represent House District 60B in the state Legislature. The district has voted DFL for more than 40 years and generally leans left. Candidates for state governor, U.S. senator, state auditor and other elected official positions are also on tap for Tuesday’s primary election. The Minnesota Daily shadowed both candidates as they talked to residents in University neighborhoods on Monday afternoon in the final campaigning hours before polls open Tuesday morning. The incumbent With 42 years at the Capitol under Kahn’s belt, she’s working to convince voters she still the right person for the job. After eating lunch with potential voters at a Korean community center in the Cedar-Riverside neighborhood, Kahn returned to her campaign headquarters to decide which area in the district would be the best to visit. She settled on a section of Prospect Park near the intersection of East River Road Parkway and Franklin Avenue. She hopped in her orange hybrid Prius and made the trip. Kahn said she had canvassed the area before, adding that voters in the area generally support her. Volunteers already completed a door-to-door sweep of the entire district, said Colie Colburn, a Kahn campaign manager, and they’re currently working on a second pass. Colburn said about 60 people volunteered to help Kahn’s campaign over the weekend, which she said was more than managers expected. Despite Kahn’s lengthy career in the state Legislature, she said there’s more work for her left to do, like passing a bill to fight products that are toxic to children. Kahn holds a master’s in public administration from Harvard University. Legalizing industrial hemp is also a priority for Kahn. Fifteen other states have already approved regulated production of the plant, which is a cousin of marijuana. Kahn explained the details of the issue as she trod from door to door, greeting the occasional resident. If there was no answer from residents when she knocked, she left a flyer behind, sometimes leaving dogs barking in the background. Throughout her years of campaigning, Kahn said she’s “only been bitten once” by a dog — it was a small one, she said. The challenger Noor and a campaign staffer spent a few hours in the Marcy-Holmes neighborhood on Monday afternoon, knocking on doors and trying to stay oriented in the process. Though he lost his way in the mazelike area a few times, Noor seemed to know the residents. He wasn’t afraid to buck his list of undecided voters when he knew someone had moved or suspected they wouldn’t be home. Monday’s outing was a final chance for Noor to make his pitch to voters. He said he probably won’t get much sleep before Tuesday’s primary election, which he expects will be more hectic. “Tomorrow is just grab [voters] and go,” he said. “It’s not about campaigning. It’s just about getting people to vote.” Noor’s campaign is banking on voters who wouldn’t normally participate in a primary election to take to the polls on Tuesday, like students and people from the Somali community. Staff member Maria Dewees said those residents are more likely to choose him over Kahn. Noor’s supporters, including many Somalis, flooded a precinct caucus at Coffman Union in February, bolstering his presence at the DFL convention in the spring. Dressed in blue jeans, sneakers and a button-down shirt, the soft-spoken candidate cut an unassuming figure as he spoke to neighborhood residents on Monday. But he’s been quietly building his resume for years. After emigrating from Kenya in 1999, Noor started volunteering with the Confederation of Somali Community in Minnesota, a nonprofit based in Cedar-Riverside. He’s now the interim executive director there. Former Gov. Jesse Ventura appointed him to the Council on Black Minnesotans in 2002. Last year, the man representing the Cedar-Riverside area on the Minneapolis School Board died, and Noor was elected to replace him. “Everything I do, I get sucked into the process,” he said. That’s why Noor said his work won’t end even if he loses on Tuesday. He said he still plans to advocate for the issues he’s running on, like making preschool universally accessible and lowering college tuition. Noor said he’s still paying off his student loan debt from his time at Metropolitan State University, where he earned a degree in computer science. He said he thinks the University’s undergraduate in-state tuition freeze is a step in the right direction, but he’d like to work with students and lawmakers to permanently lower the cost of higher education. “My focus is to make sure we engage students,” Noor said. If elected, Noor said he’d hire a student liaison to connect his office with the community. As he talked to the few voters who were home on Monday afternoon, Noor gently reminded them of Tuesday’s primary election and asked if he could count on their votes. “People have made their decisions [at this point],” he said. “They’re ready.” Source: http://www.mndaily.com http://www.somaliaonline.com/phyllis-kahn-and-somali-born-mohamud-noor-make-last-minute-pitches-to-voters-for-a-spot-to-represent-house-district-60b-in-minnesota-state-legislature/

JUDY WOODRUFF: The militants no longer control the capital, Mogadishu, and other cities, but they have stepped up attacks, including a recent assault on the parliament building. Last week, at the U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit in Washington, President Mohamud blamed the militants for holding back Somalia. In turn, opponents accuse Mohamud of corruption. This weekend, the president drew protesters, as well as greeters, in Minnesota, where he traveled to meet members of the largest Somali population in the United States. I sat down with him on Friday, ahead of that trip. President Mohamud, thank you for talking with us. PRESIDENT HASSAN SHEIKH MOHAMUD: Thank you, Judy. JUDY WOODRUFF: So, as you prepare to leave Washington, have you found this week’s meetings to be helpful, useful to you? PRESIDENT HASSAN SHEIKH MOHAMUD: It was very useful. The meeting was meant for the African continent, of course. And we learned a lot. And there was new injections from the United States government to push the economy and the life of the people of Africa. We are very much grateful for the level of support that has been shown to us. And we already have moved and progressed in our cooperation between the United States government and Somalia. JUDY WOODRUFF: How much aid would you say the United States is giving to Somalia? And how would you describe the relationship between the two countries? PRESIDENT HASSAN SHEIKH MOHAMUD: It’s only last year when the transition was ended in Somalia and the United States government recognized Somali government as a legitimate state to deal with, and then only started our cooperation. We signed a number of cooperation agreements. And still we are at the beginning, but we moving in a very good pace and direction. JUDY WOODRUFF: Let me ask you about something that I know is of great concern to you. I assume you talked to the United States government about it. And that is the militant Islamist group Al-Shabab. They have wreaked death and destruction in your country for a long time. They have — just last week, they murdered a legislator in Mogadishu. They have tried to assassinate you. You have said that you believe your government will defeat them, but how long will that take? How — how difficult a task are we talking about? PRESIDENT HASSAN SHEIKH MOHAMUD: Within the next few months, there might not be a territory controlled by Shabab in Somalia. But that’s not the end of war. They melt down into society. And these suicide bomb, target assassinations will continue some time. But we strongly believe that it will end up soon. JUDY WOODRUFF: Do they try to infiltrate your inner circle? PRESIDENT HASSAN SHEIKH MOHAMUD: They do try everywhere. They do try to infiltrate into security institutions. They do try to infiltrate into the politician — politics, if not the politicians, the staff that works with the politicians. JUDY WOODRUFF: Do you fear for your own safety? PRESIDENT HASSAN SHEIKH MOHAMUD: I was elected on September 10, 2012. September 14, I was attacked, long before I went into the state house. So since then, they keep continue trying. But the security forces have aborted all these. And I have a very good confidence on my security staff. They give me enough possibility to move around in Mogadishu and throughout Somalia. So, I’m not worried much. JUDY WOODRUFF: You brought up piracy. This is another terrible scourge. For a while, it was around the Horn of Africa. Ships going around were frequently attacked by pirates coming from Somalia. It does seem to have slowed down. Do you have that behind you now? PRESIDENT HASSAN SHEIKH MOHAMUD: Partly, this is addressed. International partners have made a strong military presence in the seas. And they pushed back the pirates. And the Somali community leaders and elders also take a campaign of awareness raising among the young people, so they combat. But the issue is — the root causes is not yet fully addressed, so we are still — the challenge is still existing. And it’s — the government of Somalia is struggling with addressing those issues. JUDY WOODRUFF: There have been serious concerns raised by the U.S. government and others over whether your government has achieved, since you came into office, sufficient stability, transparency, whether corruption has been dealt with, whether you’re on track to have a government of national unity, that you don’t just represent a part of the country. How do you — what do you say to those who ask that? PRESIDENT HASSAN SHEIKH MOHAMUD: Imagine a country that has been without a functioning state over two decades. And we are in the office now for two years. The problems that was existing more than two decades cannot be solved overnight. But we put in place all the necessary foundations to have a very democratic and strict institutions that serve the interests of all Somalis. For the first time in 45 years, Somalia is going to experience elections in 2016. That’s the plan of this government, to make elections happen in 2016. And you know what? When the last time Somalia went into the polls? That was 1969, 45 years ago. JUDY WOODRUFF: The news media. I understand from reading that there is one — at least one leading independent news media group in Somalia which had been honored internationally — the name of it was Shabelle Media — that was ordered to shut down, close down its offices. How do you answer this? And does your country have a free media? How free is the media in Somalia? PRESIDENT HASSAN SHEIKH MOHAMUD: There are number of times when Shabab infiltration has been suspected in different organizations, not only the media, government offices, agencies, ministries. And these security people, they go after that. If there is a suspect in a media house, it’s not immune from that type of thing. What we know is that 90 percent of the Shabab operations and — the Shabab operations are on the media, not in the field. JUDY WOODRUFF: Ninety percent? PRESIDENT HASSAN SHEIKH MOHAMUD: They have been given some of our media. I will not say all of them. Some of our media, they might not be — the capability and the capacity is very limited to understand between the neutrality and what to be and what not to be. JUDY WOODRUFF: Last question. What do you want Americans to know about Somalia that they may not know? PRESIDENT HASSAN SHEIKH MOHAMUD: What we want to know, the Americans, is that Somalia is not the Somalia of 1970s and 1980s today and even 1990s. Somalia is different now. We have — on the road to democratic institutions to be put in place. We say the United States, come to Somalia. Help us to invest in the future, so that no more Shabaab, no more terrorists, and no more piracy in Somalia. JUDY WOODRUFF: President Mohamud, we thank you very much for talking with us. PRESIDENT HASSAN SHEIKH MOHAMUD: Thank you, Judy. Thank you very much. Source: National Public Radio http://www.somaliaonline.com/interview-from-piracy-to-al-shabab-somalias-president-addresses-challenges-to-building-democracy/

UTICA, N.Y. — Sadia Ambure is relieved that it is summer. “I hate the snow,” Sadia, who is 16, said. “It hurts my skin. I’m like a snake — my face turns red, then ashy.” Harsh winters have been one of the challenges of living in this old manufacturing city in upstate New York for Sadia and her family, members of the Somali Bantu tribe. They arrived here from a Kenyan refugee camp almost a decade ago after a stint in St. Louis. “My body is trying to get used to America,” she said. Her mother, Zahara Hassan, 38, who has 11 children, is just now learning to read and write. Sadia, a high school junior, is perhaps the most assimilated: She is obsessed with the television show “Game of Thrones.” “The writer has the wildest imagination,” she said. “How could somebody be that good?” She hopes to create her own TV show someday. “I want somebody to remember me,” she said. Sadia’s family belongs to the Mudey clan and over 100 extended family members live within blocks of one another. Family ties are everything, yet Sadia and her sisters have stitched together American and Somali Bantu identities. She keeps Steve Madden boots in her school locker to wear under skirts that were ordered from Somali Bantu catalogs. She covets Subway sandwiches — and occasionally hides one in the refrigerator — but is devoted to her mother’s goat stew. She wants to try her hand at modeling, but so far her mother, who has the final word on everything — even a trip to the movies — has said no.Photo Outside the Mohawk Valley Resource Center For Refugees, which teaches students to both preserve cultures and integrate into American society.This might seem like an unexpected corner of America to plant roots for Somali Bantus who have fled persecution, but in fact they are part of a remarkable story: the evolution of Utica into a city of refugees. A large concentration of immigrants who have come here seeking sanctuary, including Vietnamese, Bosnians and Burmese, have transformed this once-fading industrial town. Though precise numbers are hard to come by, perhaps as many as one-fourth of Utica’s population of 62,000 is made up of refugee families, according to Shelly Callahan, executive director of the Mohawk Valley Resource Center for Refugees, a nonprofit group that has helped to resettle thousands of refugees for 35 years. The immigrants have been an economic engine for the city, starting small businesses, buying and renovating down-at-the-heels houses and injecting a sense of vitality to forlorn city streets. “We’re like every other upstate city,” said Anthony J. Picente Jr., the executive of Oneida County, which includes Utica. “Our infrastructure is old. Our housing stock is old. But the refugees have renovated and revitalized whole neighborhoods.” Utica became a refugee magnet mostly by accident. In the 1970s, a local woman, Roberta Douglas, became concerned about the treatment of Amerasian children in Vietnam. So with the help of Catholic Charities in Syracuse, she started resettling Amerasians and later, working with others, established the Center for Refugees. The center, which provides assistance with housing, employment, cultural orientation and language skills, works with the Lutheran Immigration and Refugee Service and the federal government to determine which refugee groups will be resettled in Utica. People are granted refugee status generally because they are fleeing persecution for a variety of reasons, including race and religion. The refugees now carving out new lives are just the latest surge of immigrants to the city. At the turn of the century, Italian, German, Polish and Irish immigrants were drawn to Utica’s mills and many started their own businesses. “My grandfather was the first gentleman to walk up and down the streets of Utica yelling, ‘Lemon ices!’ ” said Anthony Amodio, 48, the food and beverage manager at the Radisson Hotel Utica Center. Later, his grandfather opened a salumeria. Syrian and Lebanese immigrants arrived around the same time and eventually opened dry goods stores and groceries. General Electric; Univac, a computer manufacturer; and Griffiss Air Force Base provided thousands of jobs after the mills closed in the 1950s. But in a narrative familiar across upstate New York, the manufacturing plants started downsizing before eventually closing — the Air Force base also closed — and the city fell into a steep decline. The population, which stood at 100,000 in 1960, plunged and Genesee, the city’s gracious main street, filled with empty storefronts. Residents still recall a popular bumper sticker: “Last one out of Utica, please turn out the lights.” “The refugees stemmed the decline,” Ms. Callahan said. “They have a great work ethic, and are willing to take jobs that native-born folks don’t want.” These days, many work as dishwashers, groundskeepers, janitors and housekeepers at Turning Stone Resort and Casino in Verona, N.Y., while others have found work at a Chobani yogurt factory in New Berlin, N.Y, owned by a Turkish immigrant. The Bosnians, who started arriving in the early 1990s during the Balkan conflict and are Utica’s largest refugee community, have been arguably the most successful group. They have bought and renovated hundreds of run-down houses, started construction firms, opened restaurants and built a soaring mosque. “All of us had everything,” Sefik Badnjevic, 58, a retired machinist, said, referring to the many middle-class lives uprooted by war. “We are trying to make what we lost.” Two refugee groups that have been in Utica for more than a generation have also done well: The Vietnamese have opened restaurants and food stores, while Russians who escaped religious persecution in the former Soviet Union have opened furniture stores and car dealerships. For more recent arrivals, many of whom were living in refugee camps, “the learning curve has been longer, slower,” Ms. Callahan said. Yet the Karen, a persecuted ethnic group from the Karen state in southeastern Burma who started arriving in Utica a decade ago, have established a foothold, opening markets and buying homes. The Somali Bantus, however, have had a tougher time adapting. For many, there is a deep sense of dislocation. They were brought to Somalia as slaves from other African countries by Arab slave traders centuries ago. A civil war forced them to flee in the early 1990s to crowded Kenyan refugee camps. In 2003, 61 Somali Bantus were resettled in Utica; the community has since grown to about 2,000. “The teachers send home letters about the kids, but the parents can’t read them,” said Mohamed Ganiso, 33, the director of the Somali Bantu Association of Central New York in Utica. “If they apply for a job, they’re told to go online, but they can’t.” Mr. Ganiso, who works as a machine operator at Chobani, estimated that unemployment in the Somali Bantu community runs about 50 percent. But for the Bantus, there is still a sense of accomplishment — and of possibilities. Sadia admires her mother’s strength and independence. “She raised us all by herself,” the daughter said. It has not been easy. Ms. Hassan was a nursing home aide for six years, then worked at the Chobani factory for a year. Despite the 12-hour factory shifts, she relished the job, especially the camaraderie. “We had two families — our Chobani family and our home family,” Ms. Hassan said. She quit after her daughter Rahama was born last September, not wanting to be away from home for such long stretches. But Ms. Hassan misses the work and the paycheck. “We felt rich,” Sadia said. She and her mother are close and often banter. “I have a secret boyfriend,” Sadia told her mother recently. “Shame on you!” Ms. Hassan shot back, knowing her daughter was joking. But she was worried: There is no dating in Somali Bantu culture, unless a couple are engaged. But a year ago, Sadia was angry with her family. “If I want to become a model, they won’t let me,” she said. “If I want to go to Syracuse University, they won’t let me.” She stopped speaking to her mother and started having problems at school. Sadia’s principal called her into his office. “He made me understand,” she said. “ ‘Nobody’s ever going to love you better than your mom.’ ” Still, the moments of challenge and tension pale compared with what the family left behind. During the 12 years her family spent in a refugee camp, “we slept on the floor,” Ms. Hassan, said, as she sat in the living room of her house, a former drug rehabilitation center she bought in 2010 for $55,000. Rations were meager at the camp. “Dried corn, beans — no rice, a little oil,” she said. Armed members of the Turkana, a seminomadic Kenyan tribe, often stole food and clothing at night. Women going into the forest alone for firewood risked being raped. Now in their own yard, Ms. Hassan’s daughter Mana Abdika Dir Mudey, 20, a student at Mohawk Valley Community College who is planning to become a nurse, hung freshly washed sheets on a line. In the kitchen, Ms. Hassan’s mother, Halima Mudey, 58, cooked stew. Looking around, Ms. Hassan said simply, “Here, we have everything.” Source: Nytimes.com http://www.somaliaonline.com/sadia-keeps-steve-madden-boots-in-her-school-locker-and-covets-subway-sandwiches-but-harsh-winters-have-been-one-of-the-challenges-of-living-in-upstate-new-york/

HARGEISA, 7 August 2014 (IRIN) - The proposed deployment of armed contingents to protect oil installations in the self-declared Republic of Somaliland risks further destabilizing a region rife with disputes over sovereignty, boundaries and oil concessions. Security is deemed necessary for seismic exploration in areas of Somaliland thought to contain significant quantities of oil, some of which are also claimed by neighbouring Puntland, an autonomous region which, unlike Somaliland, still regards itself a part of the Federal Republic of Somalia. Who exactly would control and manage such armed contingents and what their precise mandate would be, have yet to be determined. Since Somaliland’s independence is unrecognized internationally, the territory remains subject to a UN arms embargo, which means it would need to obtain permission from a sanctions committee before importing military equipment or conducting military training. This briefing unpicks some of the key issues. What is the Oil Protection Unit? Somaliland offered to create an Oil Protection Unit (OPU) in October 2013 after security complaints from oil firms currently conducting seismic explorations. In September, 2013 Anglo-Turkish oil firm Genel Energy suspended its exploratory activities in Somaliland “in the face of a deteriorating security situation”. Somaliland’s energy minister, Abdi Hussein Dualeh, said it was now important to “create the right climate that makes them [operators such as Genel] feel safer to resume operations.” An OPU blueprint, drawn up by UK security consultancy Assaye Risk, calls for 420 initial recruits, and a full strength force of 580, which will be organized into six mobile units managed by an interior ministry committee which would liaise with risk management firms that are hired by the oil companies. Genel Energy paid for the blueprint. The blueprint estimates that the cost of the OPU would be around US$20-25 million per year, a cost likely to be covered by the oil firms, who would provide a monthly salary to staff. Somaliland already spends 54 percent of its $212 million annual budget on security, and would most probably be unable to absorb further costs. Because it is not recognized by international governments, it is often hard for the self-declared state to attract significant international aid and other forms of funding. So far, in addition to Genel Energy, explorers operating, or hoping to operate, in Somaliland include the United Arab Emirates (UAE) firm RAK Gas, Norwegian/UAE company DNO and Yemeni explorer Ansan Wikfs. Although OPU currently exists only on paper, has no staff and no headquarters, nor clear promises of funding to allow it to be set up, the government hopes to have it up and running by the end of the year. What are the risks? Mainly, of increasing instability. The OPU’s area of operations would include locations, notably Sool and Sanaag, covered by oil concessions issued by Puntland, which lays claim to parts of the region. Recent months have seen authorities in Puntland and from the Somali government in Mogadishu increase their political and financial support for leaders in Sool who reject Somaliland’s authority and want to set up a state within Somalia called Khatumo. Mogadishu has contested Hargeisa’s right to issue oil licences. In April, and again in June, Somaliland forces briefly took control of Taleh, the main town in Khatumo, as leaders there were preparing to hold a conference on the state’s future. According to a 12 May UN report, “tension between Puntland and ‘Somaliland’ increased over the contested Sool and Sanaag regions. The visit by the President of ‘Somaliland’ Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud Silanyo, to the coastal town of Laasqoray in the disputed Sanaag region on 16 March triggered a military build-up from both sides. Accusations made by senior Puntland officials that ‘Somaliland’ was supporting Al Shabab further strained relations.” While the OPU’s envisaged role is only to protect oil installations - notably from the Islamist Al Shabab insurgency - inserting armed men into such a volatile environment is cause for concern. “When three sides have different interpretations of what belongs to whom on the ground, Somaliland’s deployment of an OPU will be a red rag to a bull, sending a signal that it is shutting out competitors, which could give rise to an explosive situation,” said one close observer of these developments who preferred anonymity. Energy minister Dualeh played down the idea that elements of the local population posed a significant threat to oil firms. "They're not really worried about the people in Sanaag; they're worried about some Shabab people coming from the south," he said. (In January 2013, Al-Qaeda-linked terrorists took over a remote natural gas plant in Algeria, holding over 800 people hostage for four days, before Algerian Special Forces raided the plant to attempt to free them. At least 39 hostages were killed during the siege, according to the Algerian government.) Who will oversee the OPU? Critics argue that the unit is being set up behind closed doors, subverting parliamentary approval. The government denies that OPU would operate beyond official oversight. It says that because it will comprise existing police and military units, it is not a new force, and therefore does not require parliamentary approval. Officials also stress it would not be controlled by oil firms. “It will be under the command and control of the Somaliland... police structure, so it basically has nothing to do with the oil company telling them to do this and do that," Dualeh told IRIN. But Ibrahim Jama, a member of parliament and chair of the parliamentary internal affairs and security committee, said he has seen charts outlining the proposed OPU chain of command. They indicated the unit would report to a yet-to-be-created interior ministry committee, instead of the chief of police. This, he believed, meant that OPU could be potentially exposed to political or corporate influence - creating the possibility it could be used against oil sector opponents. "I realize such a unit needs to have a law that permits them to operate, to regulate them. In the absence of a law to regulate their activity it will be a paramilitary force," Jama told IRIN. He said there is a clause in the constitution stipulating that any new security services outside the police, military or custodial pillars must be approved by parliament. Are there any comparable security units in Somaliland? A Rapid Response Unit (RRU) was created in 2012 as a counter-terrorism force, and is part of the police. Activists accuse the RRU of committing human rights violations against members of the public. The Hargeisa-based Human Rights Centre is compiling a report outlining alleged abuses by the RRU. Lawyer and Centre co-founder Guleid Ahmed Jama provided an incomplete list of 84 arrests and three instances of the use of lethal force during protests by the elite squad since February 2013. MP Jama told IRIN the RRU brief is too vague and extensive. He accused the RRU of being used as a political tool, citing the closure of the Huubal newspaper offices in 2013 following a story it published about divisions within the police, and midnight raids on former senior political officials. A highly placed foreign source in Hargeisa, who spoke on condition of anonymity, called the RRU "gung-ho" with a reputation for being aggressive and "trigger happy". He said the unit had a bad name in Burco after conducting several raids without alerting local police first. What are the alternatives? There are not too many. Dominik Balthasar of the Mogadishu-based Heritage Institute of Policy Studies, the author of a new study on Somalia oil prospects, said an alternative would be to allowing oil companies to hire private security contractors, who would be accountable to no one. "OPU would at least be accountable to the Somaliland government, which has an interest in keeping a short leash on the OPU in light of its continued quest for international recognition. Thus, the decisive question is not necessarily whether an OPU should be established, but how this should be done," Balthasar told IRIN by email. Energy minister Dualeh suggested OPU might be audited by the oil companies before it became fully functional. Whitney Shinkle, strategic adviser for Bancroft Global Development, a firm that audited Puntland's Marine Police Force in 2012 and found serious breaches, including of the UN arms embargo on Somalia, said the criteria the organization used when auditing new security services in developing countries could be a guide to how an OPU might be measured. Such criteria include whether a new force was set up in line with local and international laws, and whether the end result was suitable for the purpose it was intended to serve. The strength and transparency of the organizational structure were also important considerations. Source: Irinnews.org http://www.somaliaonline.com/somaliland-government-denies-that-its-recently-formed-oil-protection-unit-is-a-paramilitary-group-operating-beyond-oversight/

Soon after Aar Maanta arrived in the UK from Somalia in the mid-1980s as a child, his homeland changed dramatically. Civil war broke out and at one point the singer's own official nationality switched overnight from Somali to Ethiopian. This, as Maanta explained after his set at the Womad Festival last month, was representative of a problem that is felt across Africa. "The borders that the Europeans drew up don’t relate to ethnicity," he said. "I don’t think there’ll ever be stability in the region as long as those divisions are there, but we have to be hopeful. I can go back to my homeland now, because that particular region is a lot more stable than it was." "As a refugee in the UK longing for home and for close family, music became a way out", he continued. "I was alone in a new place, a new culture. Other people turn to sport or drugs, but I turned to music to deal with the pain − it became like a therapy. "My family is actually from a disputed border territory called Ogaden, which is currently part of Ethiopia. I went back last year to a city called Jijiga. There's a style of music and dance there called dhaanto, which is popular throughout the Somali region. Somalis are less conservative and more open to dance than people think. There used to be a travelling dance that went from one town to another, and this highlighted common ground between the different cultures of the region. Music can be used to stabilise the community." On stage Maanta is instantly likeable, charming the audience with stories about the history and cultural importance of his music − a distinctly Somali sound that, in addition to Arabic influences from North Africa, has an undeniable hint of reggae. For Maanta though, the influence goes further back. "I wouldn’t really say reggae because [the musical style] pre-dates reggae, but I have my own personal theory. People seem to recognise that the music from the Sahara has a connection with American blues, and I've been inspired by that." I even met Jamaicans who visited from the city of Shashamane, which is home to a Rastafarian community in central Ethiopia. They acknowledged the similarities between reggae and dhaanto, and the fact that dhaanto pre-dates reggae by at least 40 years. Musically, reggae and dhaantohave very similar rhythmic patterns, accenting the second and fourth beats in each bar." Asked what positives he sees for the future of the Somali/Ethiopian border, Maanta suggests: "I think there’s more division and less unity now, but at least some of the regions are more stable. Let’s hope the other regions can follow suit. The local administration seems to realise that the arts can play a part in the development of the Somali region, which is great. The leaders have invested heavily and are now seeing the results. And Somalis across the globe are showing their appreciation through the revival of their much loved culture − because until recently dhaanto was a dying art." Source: http://thinkafricapress.com/somalia/interview-aar-maanta-dhaanto http://www.somaliaonline.com/until-recently-dhaanto-a-style-of-music-and-dance-popular-among-the-somalis-was-a-dying-art/

Northwest Toronto hardly seems like fertile ground for progressive politics these days. In Doug Ford, Giorgio Mammoliti, and Vince Crisanti, the three wards crowded into that corner of the map are currently represented by staunch conservatives who have consistently voted to support Mayor Rob Ford's far-right agenda this term. But don't tell Idil Burale that the area is inherently conservative. At only 28, Burale is one of a group of loosely affiliated bright young progressive candidates of colour who are trying to break the right-wing stranglehold in the northwest suburbs. Burale, who is running against Crisanti in Ward 1 on a platform of investment in childcare, affordable housing, and transit says residents aren't happy with the status quo. "There's a strong sense of disenfranchisement in this community," she says of the area where she has lived for 25 years since arriving here from Somalia. On paper at least, the conservative streak in Toronto's northwest suburbs can seem counterintuitive. Most people living in Wards 1, 2, and 7 are visible minorities (the most diverse is Ward 1, where 81.9 per cent of people are non-white), the result of waves of immigration during the 1990s and 2000s from places like India, Pakistan, Somalia, Guyana, and Jamaica. Residents earn household incomes significantly below the city average, and many lack access to vital municipal services. At the federal and provincial levels, the area is solid Liberal red. Yet particularly in Ward 2—where Rob Ford held power for a decade until his brother Doug was elected in 2010—and Ward 7—where Mammoliti has won four successive elections—the districts have repeatedly voted in white councillors who are broadly opposed to government investment in their communities. This term Doug Ford, Mammoliti, and Crisanti have voted in favour of cuts to city services including programming at priority centres, libraries and transit. Although the area is dotted by ageing Toronto Community Housing developments, all three opposed a proposal to invest the 2012 budget surplus into the social housing reserve. They also oppose the construction of a fully-funded LRT on transit-starved Finch Ave. in favour of a subway that will likely never be built. Burale is heavily involved in the community, and is a founding members of groups like Positive Change TO, Women in Toronto Politics, and the Toronto Police Services Board's Community Safety Task Force. If her only challenge was to beat Crisanti on his record, she might be a favourite. But she also has to overcome a deep cynicism among the ward's disadvantaged residents. Only 43.7 per cent of eligible voters in the ward marked a ballot in the last election, and Burale says most of them weren't the people she believes would most benefit from her progressive platform. (Like many suburban areas, Ward 1 boasts has a high proportion of homeowners, who are usually assumed to be older and supportive of conservatives). When Burale goes canvassing in less affluent areas, many people don't even want to open the door. "That's how distrustful and disgusted they are with political candidates. It's very hard to even get a foot in," she says. Keegan Henry-Mathieu, who is running against Mammoliti in Ward 7, describes a similar experience. A 27-year-old who works in communications for the Royal Bank of Canada, a major focus of his campaign is to repair the high-rise apartments that have been left to rot since they were built five decades ago. But he says it's hard to get his message across, even to people who live in those buildings. "If it's in the apartments they don't want to have anything to do with politics because they've been promised so many things before by so many candidates in so many elections before, and their situation hasn't changed at all," he says. "It becomes a very difficult conversation to say, 'I know you've been left out before but I'm the guy who's serious about helping you.'" In Ward 2, the Fords have famously harnessed that sense of disconnection by casting themselves as the enemies of a political establishment that has failed to improve the lives of disadvantaged residents. "Ward 2 people feel like they are cut off from the political process. They are not necessarily more conservative," says Andray Domise, who is running against Rob and Doug's nephew Michael in Ward 2. "They feel like their interests are not being represented at City Hall, [so] they will vote for the antagonistic candidate who will shake things up… and be a thumb in the eye of the political establishment." Domise, a 33-year-old whose parents immigrated here from Jamaica, says that while the Fords provide residents with an outlet for their frustrations with City Hall they haven't made the ward any better. In a recent Twitter essay Domise slammed Rob Ford's handling of the Woodbine Live project, which the mayor once boasted would turn "Rexdale into Rosedale." The plan collapsed last year. "If we have a councillor that can work together with the rest of council" residents could "get some investment out in our area for which they are sorely overdue," says Domise. He believes Rexdale has the potential to become "one of Toronto's biggest I.T. hubs," if only the city could tap into the success of initiatives like Albion Public Library's video game program. He wants to create a pipeline from programs like that to the University of Guelph/Humber and companies like local software giant Ubisoft. "We could be a hub for all of that if we just gave them the opportunity," he says. By publicly calling the mayor on his racism and penning an open letter to members of the black community who still support him, Domise has become the highest-profile progressive candidate in the northwest. He believes it's possible for white councillors to be effective representatives for minority populations if they "care about and know about our issues," but he'd like to see a more diverse council in order to address the "blind spots" in policy that occur "when you get a lot of people together who come from the same background." The lack of diversity on council is one reason why Munira Abukar decided to throw her hat in the ring. At only 22, Abukar, a child of Somali immigrants, is also running in Ward 2, where she has lived all her life. Council has only one black member, and is two-thirds male. Abukar questions why a city as diverse as Toronto hasn't elected more people like her. "To my knowledge we don't have a councillor who practices Islam," she says. "I want to see myself and who my community is [in city government]. I wanted to be the person who started that change in Ward 2." Abukar would bring more than just a shot of diversity to City Hall, however. Having served on the board of Toronto Community Housing as a tenant rep since 2011, she also has experience representing residents in need. Against her record of community engagement, the resume of fellow Ward 2 candidate Michael Ford is almost comical. In an interview last week Councillor Doug Ford listed his nephew's recent acquisition of a pilot's licence as one of his main credentials. Yet like the other progressive candidates in the area, Abukar's passion, intelligence, and record of working with the community could well turn out to be no match for well-connected incumbent candidates (or their nephews) who have access to networks of political influence and are all but guaranteed to spend to the campaign limit. Even Mammoliti, who has found to have violated election spending rules in 2010 and was recently docked 90 days pay for accepting $80,000 from a shady fundraiser, remains on the ballot and appears to have a chance at winning a fifth term. Should his most recent scandal rules him out, the beneficiary could well be another right-leaning candidate Nick Di Nizio, who came in second in 2010. To overturn the status quo, progressive candidates will have to tap into the disaffected residents who would benefit from their policies and get them to the polls. Henry-Mathieu, the candidate for Ward 7, doesn't dare be optimistic. "For the most part, residents seem to be latching on to what I'm putting out there," he says, "but I really have no idea whether it's going to translate into votes in October." Source: nowtoronto.com http://www.somaliaonline.com/idil-burale-a-progressive-candidate-for-city-council-is-hoping-to-break-the-right-wing-stranglehold-in-the-northwest-suburbs-of-toronto/

A Somali people-smuggling cell linked to an overseas terror suspect has been able to get dozens of people into Australia through a passport-swapping scam.Confidential Immigration Department documents obtained by Fairfax Media reveal those suspected of being involved in the scam were known to federal authorities but have not been pursued because of a lack of interest and resources among federal police."[The Department of Immigration and Citizenship] is not in a position to pursue the Somali people-smuggling investigation," a confidential Immigration Department report from 2010 states.Monash University terrorism expert Greg Barton said Australia faced the serious risk of people from countries racked by extremism and conflict seeking to enter with radicalised views."Nowadays, we need to be more careful than ever before about vetting people," Dr Barton said.The Abbott government has recently cancelled the passports of Australians fighting with extremists in Syria and Iraq.A 2009 Immigration intelligence report titled Unlawful Entry Into Australia by Somali Nationals identified 53 cases of illegal entry or attempted entry. Many of those who have entered illegally have since disappeared into the community, with the government having no information about their true identities or location.The racket involves Somali-born people with Australian or New Zealand passports giving their passports to Somali nationals to enter the country. They exploited a loophole in Australia's border control system that meant using an Australian or New Zealand passport to enter the country twice without a corresponding departure did not trigger an alert."The number of non-citizen Somali nationals entering Australia is an ongoing issue and of significant concern due to the identity, character, health and national security implications," a 2010 Immigration Department report noted.The report said Somali nationals were also highly successful in getting protection visas and accessing Centrelink and Medicare benefits."The national security hotline has reported informants stating that the 'beliefs of these people do not match those of Australian citizens, and that he/she was unsure of what they were planning'."One of those linked to the people-smuggling cell in Melbourne is Somali-born terror suspect Hussein Hashi Farah, whom the Immigration documents describe as having links to the al-Qaeda offshoot al-Shabab.Mr Farah fled Kenyan counterterrorism officials using an Australian passport in 2010 and several of his family members were identified as suspects in the Somali people-smuggling investigation.Despite those suspected of involvement in the racket potentially committing offences against the Australian Passports Act, the Foreign Passports Act, the Criminal Code Act and the Migration Act, only one person has been prosecuted for a minor offence.The Immigration files accuse the federal police of a "lack of interest" and say other agencies have offered only limited support.The Immigration Department investigation of the people-smuggling cell identified three strategies used by Somali nationals on arrival. If detected at the border, they claim asylum. If undetected and cleared by Immigration, they lodge a protection visa application after arrival.Others clear Immigration and have no further contact. Immigration investigators suspect "these Somali nationals then assume identities in Australia".The Immigration investigative officers proposed that a multi-agency taskforce be formed to conduct a "full and comprehensive investigation of this matter". "No one appears to be addressing this issue . . . it is evident that Somali impostors will continue to travel to Australia due to the high likelihood of them being granted permanent asylum," a 2010 report concludesSource: http://www.smh.com.au/ http://www.somaliaonline.com/a-somali-people-smuggling-cell-linked-to-an-overseas-terror-suspect-has-been-able-to-get-dozens-of-people-into-australia-through-a-passport-swapping-scam/

Faisal Ali Warabe, a former presidential candidate in his native Somalia, confirms to Yle that he is the father of a Finnish jihadist appearing in a propaganda video by the militant fundamentalist group Islamic State. Warabe says he contacted Finnish police in the past to report fears that his son was becoming radicalised. The call to jihad posted on YouTube last weekend which purports to feature the son of Finnish-Somali politician Faisal Ali Warabe. Image: Yle A Finnish-Somali politician has confirmed that a young man appearing in a jihadist propaganda video which was published online this weekend is his son. Posted on Saturday by the militant extremist group Islamic State, formerly known as ISIS, the video features a man speaking accented Finnish calling on other Finns to join an Islamic caliphate governed by Sharia law. Yle’s current affairs discussion programme A-Studio spoke to Faisal Ali Warabe, who became known in Finland when he ran as a candidate in Somalia’s presidential election. Warabe used to live in Espoo, where his wife and some of his family still live. By telephone from his current home in Somalia, Warabe told the programme that the man in the video is his son, Sayid Hussein Feisal Ali, who has been in Syria for over a year along with his wife, who is also a Finn of Somali descent. “I was shocked when I heard of it. I am worried now that I’ve seen his video come out. What he’s talking about is his thing, not ours. We want him out of there and we need help to do that,” Warabe said. Reported fears to police The father told Yle his son gradually began to be radicalised in 2010. Warabe says he contacted Finnish police to try and have his son’s passport confiscated, but claims they refused because the son did not have a criminal background. ”Through the computer he turned towards Islam,” Warabe said. “The imams who live in Finland are good, they try to teach young people how to behave well and are against radicalisation.” In June Helsingin Sanomat reported that an Espoo man of Somali background had died in Syria. Warabe said that this man was also a relative, the cousin of his son. ”We believed in our child, but some people have now radicalised him,” Warabe said. The jihadist organisation Islamic State, who grew from an offshoot of al-Qaeda in Iraq, has become one of the main militant groups fighting against government forces in Syria and Iraq. One month ago the group, then known as ISIS, announced that they had established an Islamic state across the two countries. According to the security services, around 40 people have left Finland for Syria. However, there are many parties to the conflict and there is no information as to how many of these may have joined the Islamic State militants. http://yle.fi/uutiset/finnish-somali_politician_thats_my_son_in_jihadist_video/7396194 http://www.somaliaonline.com/faisal-ali-warabe-a-somali-politician-confirms-that-he-is-the-father-of-a-finnish-jihadist-appearing-in-a-propaganda-video/

Saado Ali Warsame - Image Source: Bartamaha.com Somalia's parliament has been officially in recess since July 24th, but the prospect of a 30-day vacation is not bringing much relief to lawmakers who are increasingly in al-Shabaab's crosshairs, with three lawmakers killed in less than a month. The latest victim, lawmaker Sheikh Adan Madeer, was gunned down in Mogadishu August 1st as he returned home from a mosque near his house. In similar ambush attacks carried out by gunmen, al-Shabaab killed lawmakers Saado Ali Warsame on July 23rd and Mohamed Mohamud Heyd on July 3rd. In April, in two attacks 24-hours apart, al-Shabaab killed lawmakers Abdiaziz Isaak Mursal and Isaq Mohamed Rinow. "It is clear why we are targeting these parliamentarians who call themselves lawmakers," said al-Shabaab spokesman Abdiaziz Abu Musab in a statement released on pro-al-Shabaab websites after Madeer's murder. "They are men who replaced God's law with laws made by infidels and we will continue to kill these individuals who have welcomed the enemy in the country," he said. Government response to al-Shabaab inadequate Lawmaker Mohamed Omar Dalha blamed the government for failing to make the safety of lawmakers a national priority and allowing al-Shabaab to succeed. "I put all of the blame on senior officials of the government who did not take full charge of providing protection for the members of parliament, and it is a great disservice to the public," Dalha told Sabahi. "Security is not about a large number of bodyguards and money," he said, referring to a move by the administration following the attacks in April to increase lawmakers' salaries from $3,000 to $3,200 a month so that they could pay for their own security. Rather than throwing money at the problem, he said, the government must address the country's general insecurity with a comprehensive plan. "If the senior officials of the government are not able to do that, they have to ask for advice from those with expertise in that area and consult with them," he said. "When one of your friends was murdered the day before yesterday, another was killed yesterday and one was killed today, it makes you think tomorrow you will be next," Dalha said. Lawmaker Aweys Abdullahi also said the deteriorating security was worrisome for many lawmakers and affecting their ability to carry out their duties. "Every lawmaker is in fear and is taking precautions," he told Sabahi, adding that he almost never leaves his house now. "There are spies working for al-Shabaab everywhere. No one can leave the house except on rare occasions. We are in a state of war." Abdullahi said that while in session, the parliament's schedule was routinely disrupted due to attacks or security threats forcing debates on bills to be postponed. "Meeting sessions were limited [because] every lawmaker was on high security alert," he said. "How much work could have been done but was delayed? There was a lot." Retired Colonel Mohamed Osman, who served in the Somali National Security Service, the intelligence agency during the Mohamed Siad Barre regime, said the country requires a complete overhaul of the security apparatus. "When I say reform, I am not talking about a minister replaced with another minister, or a commander replaced with another commander," he told Sabahi. First, he said, government jobs should not be given based on clan affiliation but based on merit. "What is to stop someone who was refused a job unfairly or could not get money for an education from joining al-Shabaab," he said. "Second, all soldiers, whether they are [working for the] police, intelligence agency or security forces, have to be paid their salaries on time and be given a [liveable] wage," he said. "The person who is blowing himself up, the one killing people and the one fighting, they are people who were taken advantage of and brainwashed because of their circumstances and because they were enticed with money," he said. "Therefore, the reforms should start here, not with replacing a commander." Lawmakers resolute against al-Shabaab despite fears Dalha and Abdullahi both told Sabahi that al-Shabaab is targeting lawmakers because they are members of a body that represents the bedrock of government and the bridge between regular citizens and the administration. "Since parliament is the [foundation] of government, they want to destroy it and with it the other branches of government so as to ensure the country remains a failed state," Dalha said. "However, we will not allow that." Lawmakers have been a target ever since the Transitional Federal Government was established, he said, adding that fear has never deterred individuals who wanted to serve for the good of the people. "If a lawmaker is killed, there will be another [person] ready to serve the public and replace him. No matter the fear, we will continue to carry on our work," Dalha said. Similarly, Abdullahi said, "There is fear, but being Muslims and nationalists forces us to continue working." "Lawmakers are responsible for communicating the public's needs to the administration, [and] without them, the connection between the government and people would be missing," he said. "Work might go slow but we will continue on." Source: http://www.sabahionline.com/http://www.somaliaonline.com/every-somali-lawmaker-in-mogadishu-is-in-fear-despite-a-recent-salary-increase-from-3000-to-3200-to-help-with-personal-security/

(Somalia Online) - In an effort to promote better ties with the United States, Somali civic groups in Minnesota are campaigning to twin the city of Minneapolis with the Somali port city of Bosaso. Several organizations including Minnesota Friends of Bosaso, Haan Relief Development, University of Minnesota and others representing 20 small businesses in an around Minneapolis are reported to have endorsed the idea. Organizers say twinning will facilitate better ties and promote cultural exchanges between the two communities. “I am hopeful the twinning will get through because the organizers have put in tremendous effort to lay the groundwork for this important undertaking”, said Abdi Warsame, the newly elected Minneapolis City Councillor, who initiated the idea early on. “It will be beneficial for both cities to foster cultural ties and bring the communities closer together.” The campaign, which was started few months ago, is said to be close to its conclusion. Minnesota is home to the largest Somali population in the U.S., of which the majority trace their roots to Puntland, a semi-autonomous region in northern Somalia. Bosaso is the chief commercial city of the region. News Snippet http://www.somaliaonline.com/somali-civic-groups-intensify-their-campaign-to-twin-the-city-of-minneapolis-with-the-somali-port-city-of-bosaso/

MOGADISHU, Somalia — A military spokesman for the African Union mission in Somalia says the AU has canceled a planned troop rotation by Sierra Leonean forces because of the Ebola outbreak. Col. Ali Aden Houmed told The Associated Press late Thursday that the Union decided to halt the deployment of a new battalion in an effort to prevent the disease from crossing into Somalia. The West African nation is currently facing the worst recorded Ebola outbreak in history. More than 700 people have died. Sierra Leone is one of five nations that send large numbers of troops to Somalia to protect the government and fight al-Shabab militants. Source: http://newsinfo.inquirer.net/ http://www.somaliaonline.com/amisom-cancels-planned-troop-rotation-by-sierra-leone-as-fear-of-ebola-outbreak-grows-in-somalia/

HARGEISA, July 29, 2014 – Changing professions from orthopedic surgeon to camel farmer may not seem like progress, but for Dr. Ismail Ali, it was an opportunity to blend science with tradition and enjoy a rural lifestyle away from urban sprawl.Ali left the Somaliland capital for land in the nearby countryside in 2009 and used modern water conservation and feed production technologies to nurture his initial herd of seven camels. The herd thrived and multiplied under his scientific guidance, and four years later, Ali established the Saafi Camel Milk Dairy with a matching grant of $49,000 from the Somaliland Business Fund (SBF). Today, Ali is the proud owner of 28 female camels providing 150 liters of milk daily, he exports the meat of male camels, and his business employs 15 laborers to help with the business during peak season.Ali is just one of many private entrepreneurs the SBF has helped since it opened its doors in 2012. With some preference for the priority areas of fisheries, gums and resins, and solid waste management, the SBF has awarded more than $10.5 million in grants to 175 investment projects, as well as matching private investments of an additional $10 million. The majority of projects are in agriculture, livestock, fisheries, manufacturing and green energy. Larger grants above $50,000 went to support renewable energy and solid waste management projects.When fully operational, the businesses are expected to generate at least 3,000 jobs, of which about 40% are expected to be for women, such as Qani Abdi Alin.Alin started Dheeman Tailoring and Fashions from her house. With her $6,000 investment into the male-dominated industry, her business has grown into a $180,000 company in four years, employing six tailors and seasonal workers. Alin is now exporting her designs to other African and Middle East countries. The SBF is part of the $29 million Somalia Private Sector Development Re-engagement Project (SOMPREP-II) financed by the World Bank State and Peacebuilding Fund, Danida and Department for International Development. SOMPREP-II also supports banking, investment climate and regulatory reforms, as well as public- private partnerships for developing the Port of Berbera and a solid waste management initiative for Hargeisa. These initiatives are backed by continuous policy making and analytical work. Other projects supported by SOMPREP-II include:Managing Household Waste in HargeisaThe capital city of Hargeisa is home to nearly one million people who generate approximately 130, 000 tons of solid waste every year, much of it disposed in ad hoc and unhygienic ways. The SOMPREP-II provided support for the creation of a framework for private sector involvement, following the ratification of a policy and bylaws for solid waste management. The SBF provided support to one of the two private companies contracted to remove waste; their services now cover 30,000 households.While residents didn’t object to paying for water and electricity, paying for garbage disposal was a new concept to some. The project undertook an innovative communications campaign using billboards across the city, leaflets, radio, and television programs to address behaviors around waste disposal. Educating the public on safe waste disposal became a topic for school dramas, street plays, a workshop for Imams and religious leaders, and an SMS campaign for mobile phone subscribers. The public awareness campaign has now attracted the attention of other private sector companies who are applying for funds to join the waste disposal business to increase coverage to unserved parts of the city.Supporting the Fisheries SectorWith its long coastline and rich variety of fish including spiny lobsters, yellow fin tuna, swordfish and more, the fisheries sector has great potential to generate exports, employment and build coastal societies in Somalia. Although the World Bank has been involved in developing fishing and supply chains in Puntland since the 2004 tsunami, work in Somaliland under the SOMPREP-II project has been more recent. The project has led to the registrations of hundreds of fishermen and vessels, as well as the creation of a database which will also include fishing villages. Developing strong, legitimate, coastal businesses that help keep youth away from Somalia’s notorious seafaring gangs was also a key recommendation of a World Bank report on piracy in 2013.To create a wider enabling environment for the sector, the project supported the development of a policy for hygienic fish handling and has made recommendations for improving efficiencies within concerned government ministries that will provide a basis for future development partnerships. As in Puntland, the project will also fund a public awareness campaign on the benefits of eating fish in a society which traditionally prefers a meat-based diet and will target information to retailers on the safe handling, transportation and sale of fish. An evaluation of the project earlier in the year found over 180 (out of a target of 250 by end 2014) fishers were already benefitting from improved fishing techniques and several had received grants from the SBF to expand their businesses.Upgrading Berbera PortAn important gateway for both inland trade and exports, the port is a relatively small, traditional anchorage which is cannot serve the growing volume of goods passing through its berths. Export volumes for many products, including livestock, have more than doubled between 2008-2011 due to increased demand from Saudi Arabia and other countries.Following a comprehensive Strategic Economic Assessment of the Port based on stakeholder consultations, the World Bank helped the government leverage $6 million from UKAID in 2013 that will be used for technical support and procurement of two tugboats with the long-term aim of attracting private investment for large-scale infrastructure expansion and introduction of specialized terminals.“Operating on the ground in Somaliland has taught us a lot can be achieved in fragile environments with the right local partners and we are now planning to scale up the project to other parts of the country,” said Michael Engman, senior World Bank economist who heads the largest private sector development in Somalia.“Although we account for a modest part of the Bank’s $3 billion global support program for small and medium enterprises, the impact of this project goes a long way in demonstrating new ideas, approaches and providing wherewithal in some of Africa’s least developed and virgin markets.”Source: http://www.worldbank.org http://www.somaliaonline.com/creating-new-businesses-jobs-and-a-better-future-in-the-northern-state-of-somaliland/

Somali family living on bench outside Tooting TK Maxx This photo was taken on Thursday, July 31A Somali family have been living on a bench in Tooting for weeks on end.Every night a man and woman are seen huddled under sleeping bags, directly outside TK Maxx, in Tooting High Street.This photo was taken just after 10pm on Tuesday, July 29They have multiple suitcases around them.This photo was taken on July 16 by @gavinspringettThe pair have regularly been spotted on the bench over the past few months.A spokesman for Wandsworth Council said: "We are fully aware of this issue and have repeatedly tried to engage with the people concerned and offer them help and a proper roof over their heads but sadly all these efforts have been rebuffed."Unfortunately they are quite adamant that they do not want any help or support from us, nor from the other agencies who have also been trying very hard to support and assist them.The pair have been living in the busy high street outside TK Maxx"We have been in touch with their extended family and also with representatives of the local Somali community in a bid to improve the situation, but sadly it remains unresolved."We are of course concerned for their welfare but unfortunately if they are determined not to accept any support then that is their choice and ultimately their right."We will of course continue to closely monitor the situation and continue to offer our support and assistance in the hope that they change their minds."More to follow.Do you know more? Call the newsdesk on 020 8722 6344 or emailssleigh@london.newsquest.co.uk.Source:http://www.yourlocalguardian.co.ukhttp://www.somaliaonline.com/a-somali-man-and-a-woman-are-seen-living-on-the-street-huddled-under-sleeping-bags-the-couple-had-refused-any-help-for-proper-shelter-from-the-local-government/

Immigration from non-Western countries causes the most problems in Denmark, so there should be a difference in how the country welcomes "a Christian American or Swede and a Muslim Somali or Pakistani," according to Inger Støjberg, political spokesperson for the liberal Venstre party, Denmark’s largest opposition party.Støjberg wrote an for Berlingske, a national newspaper based in Copenhagen, in which she calls for Denmark to adopt an immigration policy that makes it easier for Westerners and harder for Muslims. Her comments have put immigration back at the top of political debate.She wrote: "It is primarily Muslim immigrants who do not value democracy and freedom. In certain environments, they directly oppose it. Too many non-Western immigrants with Muslim backgrounds do not want our freedom-orientated society model."She said this was seen this recently at the Grimhøjvej Mosque in Aarhus, where fighters were solicited to join the jihad in the Middle East, and in the sermon in Berlin last Friday by Imam Abu Bilal, a preacher at Aarhus, who called for the help of Allah to kill Jews.This showed that "too many Muslims in Denmark practise a medieval interpretation of the Koran and it prohibits them from being a part of normal Danish life."There should be a requirement that Muslims are either getting an education or have a job before they can stay in the country: "There is a danger that the cohesion of our society can be threatened in the future if we do not dare put right and reasonable requirements for those coming to Denmark."Her remarks created a stir amongst the other political parties, according to The Local.The anti-immigration Danish People’s Party welcomed Støjberg’s remarks: "If Venstre has now finally understood the need to differentiate between immigrants and limit non-Western immigration, then we are getting closer to each other," a spokesman said.However, a spokesman for the Conservative Party which is, like Venstre, in opposition, said: "For me as a conservative it is important to set requirements [for immigrants] but it is also important that the requirements are equal regardless of what country one comes from."The governing Social Democrats and Social Liberals (Radikale Venstre) also dismissed the idea of two sets of immigration rules. http://www.somaliaonline.com/dannish-politician-there-should-be-a-difference-in-how-our-country-welcomes-a-christian-american-or-swede-and-a-muslim-somali-or-pakistani/

Did you know there are two species of ostrich? Don't worry if this is news to you — scientists didn't know that for sure either until this year, when the Somali ostrich (Struthio molybdophanes) of Ethiopia, Somalia, Djibouti and Kenya was declared a separate species from the common ostrich (S. camelus).Previously considered a subspecies, the Somali ostrich has now been added — along with 360 other newly discovered bird species — to the International Union for Conservation of Nature's Red List of Threatened Species.The Red List update come from an assessment of the world's birds of prey, seabirds, water birds, owls and similar species (collectively known as nonpasserine birds, because all other birds come from the order Passeriformes) by the conservation organization BirdLife International.The Somali ostrich and the other 360 new species were effectively hidden in plain sight for decades. Because they were not recognized as species until now, no one had ever assessed their conservation risks. And they are definitely at risk: According to BirdLife, 25% of these newly recognized species are considered threatened and have been added to the Red List under its vulnerable, endangered or critically endangered categories. That's compared with just 13% of all bird species that have been identified as being at similar risk.The Somali ostrich and other birds were finally recognized as new species because BirdLife created a new system to categorize bird taxonomy in order to create a more consistent approach for determining species' conservation risks."The new species criteria are basically a scoring system of physical characteristics — plumage, song, etcetera — that are used to distinguish between closely related species," says Martin Fowlie from BirdLife's communications team.The new criterial focus on mating signals, songs and plumage because "they play a role in setting real biological species limits, by determining whether interbreeding can or will occur," University of Oxford zoology lecturer Joseph Tobias explained in a recent issue of World BirdWatch magazine (pdf). It does not, however, use molecular data because "there is currently no agreement about a surefire threshold of genetic divergence indicative of species status," Tobias wrote.The Somali ostrich faces numerous threats — egg collection, hunting and habitat loss among them — but at least it's still around. Other new (and previously hidden) species added to the Red List may not be so lucky. They include the Belém curassow (Crax pinima) of Brazil, which hasn't been seen since 1978. It lives (or lived) in what is now the most heavily deforested region of the Amazon rainforest.The blue-bearded helmetcrest (Oxypogon cyanolaemus), meanwhile, hasn't been seen since 1946 and is only known from museum samples. The Colombian hummingbird lived in a forest that has since been burned down to make way for agriculture.In addition to the new species the Red List update also provides new information on several previously known birds. The bearded vulture (Gypaetus barbatus), which faces threats from diclofenac poisoning and collisions with power lines is now listed as near threatened.The Bugun liocichla (Liocichla bugunorum) of the Himalayas (shown to the right) has been reassessed as critically endangered following the construction of a road through its only habitats, which have also suffered fires.The second half of BirdLife's comprehensive review of the world's feathered species is due in 2016 and will cover all 5,000 or so passerine birds — including, no doubt, a few more new species.Read more: http://www.businessinsider.com http://www.somaliaonline.com/scientists-declare-that-the-somali-ostrich-struthio-molybdophanes-is-separate-from-the-common-ostrich/

Somali National Army soldiers pose with their weapons. Operating in conflict zones presents serous challenges for the finanical services sector. Photograph: Tobin Jones/AFP/Getty Images When Sir Paul Collier made reference to a "bottom billion" he shone a much-needed light on a group of small nations largely unnoticed by the west. He argued a bold new plan was required to support these nations.Structuring remittance finance to help sustain and drive development in such emerging and frontier markets should be one of the core policy agendas for a number of international governments.The transfer of money by expat communities to their families and local communities back home provides a vital lifeline for many of Africa's more remote regions. To put into context the size and importance of the market, approximately £24bn is sent annually to Africa by its diaspora. For the region as a whole, this is 50% more than net official development assistance. InSomalia, remittances are estimated to account for 50% of its gross national income.Millions of Somalis – 40% of the population – rely on remittances to support their livelihoods, including paying for food, medicine and education. Remittances provide not only humanitarian support, but contribute to long-term economic development and stability, including the ability to develop, in due course, formal financial systems operating to international standards.There has been much discourse in political corridors about the role of remittances in fuelling economic growth. This was prompted most recently by the African Development Bank's projections that African economies are likely to expand by an average of 4.8% in 2014 from 3.9% last year, rising to 5.7% in 2015, when at face value even Africa's larger economies, such as Ghana and South Africa, are under pressure.The ADB's projections have led some to question Africa's levels of organic growth (as opposed to externally driven growth) given that the majority of African countries, particularly communities in the more rural areas, are still heavily reliant on diaspora finance and external aid.At Dahabshiil Group, we witness, at close quarters, the significant positive impact that remittances can make in not only supporting livelihoods, but underpinning economies.As an indigenous African company, Dahabshiil operates across a number of developing regions and serves dislocated communities often affected by war, famine and severe poverty. Somalia, a core market, has been wracked by civil war, insurgency and piracy for over two decades. While the country's overall security has improved in recent years, certain regions still require the presence of aid agencies and proactive military forces to arrest humanitarian crises and ensure public safety.Operating in conflict zones raises serious operational considerations for any organisation, but it is particularly challenging for businesses in the financial services sector, including banks. International banks have no presence in Somalia. Therefore money service businesses (MSBs) are the only safe and transparent way to send money into the country. As MSBs are intensive cash-handling businesses, they require rigorous risk-mitigation procedures to protect against the vulnerability of facilitating illicit financial flows – which is ever more important in high-risk territories.It is vital to be very aware of the pitfalls of operating in conflict zones and other such territories. A key procedure is to apply strong "know your customer" and transaction monitoring policies across all areas of operation, often in excess of legal minimum requirements. These policies should be kept under constant review and all stages of the remittance process should be examined to ensure that risk assessments are well-founded, using information from all credible sources, including law enforcement.Controls, such as enhanced due diligence for higher-risk customers and transactions; central compliance clearance for transactions of particular types and size; and automatic screening against sanctions-list-using IT systems, protect us as far as possible from abuse by criminal elements.Due to the risks presented in some of the territories in which we operate and the challenges posed by lack of infrastructure, we impose our own policies for anti-money laundering and combating the financing of terrorism.Standard methods of knowing your customer sometimes cannot always be applied. In such cases, we use our extensive knowledge of the local communities for assurance that individuals are adequately identified through other acceptable means. The use of a common IT platform across our operations ensures transparency and visibility of transactions to all compliance functions in Dahabshiil operations, so that remittances are not paid unless they are approved at both ends. It also allows us to co-operate efficiently with the authorities as required by law.The biggest challenge for the MSB sector is adapting and responding to the global banking de-risking agenda, which is threatening the development and recovery in emerging economies and post-conflict states around the world. Indeed, for Somalia to continue its progress towards political, humanitarian and economic stability it is vital to build a self-sustaining economy – remittances, at an affordable cost, form a crucial part of that process.Abdirashid Duale is chief executive of Dahabshiil Group. Mr Duale is a regular keynote speaker at international conferences. He has spoken about remittances, telecommunications, emerging markets and development finance at events including those at the London School of Economics, Oxford University and the United Nations. Dahabshiil has featured in local and international media includingThe Financial Times, the BBC, , The New York Times, The Economist and The Guardian. http://www.somaliaonline.com/operating-in-conflict-zones-lessons-from-a-financial-institution-in-somalia-by-adirashid-duale/

MOGADISHU, SOMALIA — The tables start to fill inside the air-conditioned Maka al Mukarama Hotel cafe just before sunset. Hunks of black forest cake and frothy cappuccinos are ordered, as members of Mogadishu’s who’s who exchange nods and handshakes. They keep determinedly coming here even though the hotel has been hit twice by suicide bombers from Al Shabab. Mohamed Ali Nur, arguably Somalia’s most important ambassador, sits at one table in the corner, soon joined by his compatriots. Canadian compatriots, that is. There’s Abdurahman Hosh Jibril, a longtime Toronto community leader and lawyer who moved back to Somalia to become a member of parliament and political rainmaker. Hassan Abukar, a youth activist who once held a spot on Toronto City Hall’s Youth Committee, has come to his parent’s homeland, as has 20-year-old Ali Liban, who sits behind the hotel front desk in his Blue Jays cap. The Canadians are everywhere. When the government here collapsed 23 years ago, hundreds of thousands of Somalis left to seek refuge abroad. Many settled in Canada and much of the money they earned went back to relatives, providing a lifeline for at least 40 per cent of the country. A 2013 study by Adeso, Oxfam and the Inter-American Dialogue found that Somalia receives approximately $1.3 billion each year in remittances — as money sent back home is known — which is more than foreign aid and investment combined. While the study does not break down remittances by country, Canada is considered a major contributor. But the future of remittances in Somalia is uncertain. As the country, and in particular the capital Mogadishu, begins to recover after two decades of war, those from the diaspora are returning in record numbers. Where there used to be only a couple flights to Mogadishu a week, now there are sometimes five a day. There are so many returning that the government has created the Office of Diaspora Affairs. That’s generally a good news story. Many bring with them much-needed expertise, education and international backing. But there is tension. Sending money is one thing; coming back to take jobs or reclaim property is another. Police believe some recent assassinations have not been the actions of the Shabab, as many have claimed, but of those competing for business and political postings. There is much money to be made in Somalia and a deadly jockeying for power. Add to this another dynamic: hawalas. Somalia lacks a banking system, so remittances are delivered mainly through informal money services bureaus (MSBs), known as hawalas. Since the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks and the recent rise of the Shabab, MSBs have been under scrutiny as western governments target terrorist financing. It has become increasingly hard for MSBs operating in Somalia to maintain accounts with major banks. Financial institutes are deciding that the risk of supporting MSBs is greater than the return. But if the banks cut off the MSBs — as U.K.-based Barclays and the Merchants Bank in California have threatened — it could quite literally starve Somalia. The returning diaspora, MSBs and remittances are intricately linked — and there’s a heavy Canadian component. Canadians have been among the most successful here, populating almost every sector with positions in the government, business and humanitarian communities. Somalia’s prime minister, Abdiweli Sheikh Ahmed, is Canadian, as is Mogadishu’s former police commissioner, General Abdihakim Dahir Saeed. Nur, a Toronto native, is Somalia’s ambassador to neighbouring Kenya — the most diplomatically important country for Somalia. Relations with longtime rival Ethiopia are also vital; Canadian Ahmed Abdisalam Adan holds that ambassadorial post. Nasra Agil, the owner of Mogadishu’s pristine new dollar store that opened near the city’s K4 thoroughfare, is an engineer from Toronto. The director of the women’s rights centre, founder of a primary school, deputy director of Mogadishu’s first think-tank, owners of one of the most popular restaurants, managing director of a major airline: Canadian, Canadian, Canadian, Canadian, Canadian. Here’s a journalist’s secret: When visiting Mogadishu, my suitcase is heavier on arrival than departure, half of it filled with Tim Hortons coffee. It feels strange bringing coffee from Canada to East Africa, where some of the world’s finest beans are grown, but Timmy’s is a much-needed sip of Canada for the patriotic. My deliveries here have been likened to dealing crack. Speaking of which: “How is our mayor?” Jibril, known more commonly as Hosh, asks at the Maka al Mukarama on that recent evening. Everyone leans in. No one wants to talk about the Shabab, or Somali politics, or the role of the diaspora, not until hearing the latest on Rob Ford (see Rob Ford’s policard). This is the strange global village where we live, when sometimes it feels more like Canada in a Mogadishu hotel, and more like Somalia in a Rexdale coffee shop, where citizenship and patriotism can be complicated and where money is sent around the world with just a name and a promise to pay. Stories about Canadians returning to Somalia are usually dire. A University of Toronto graduate was convicted in Brampton earlier this year for the crime of attempting to join the Shabab, and counselling another to do the same.Mohamed Hersi was arrested at Toronto’s Pearson airport in 2011, as he was about to board a flight to Cairo. A jury found him guilty of planning to go from Cairo to Somalia — a claim he denied. There have been examples of Canadians fighting with the Shabab, such as Mahad Dhore, who left his Markham home in 2009 and led a suicide bombing mission inside Mogadishu’s court complex last year, injuring dozens and killing 30. Foreign policy regarding Somalia has been driven mainly by these terrorism concerns — the link between western fighters and finances fuelling the Shabab — which is unlikely to change as Al Shabab increasingly strikes outside Somalia’s borders, as it did lastSeptember with an assault on Nairobi’s Westgate Mall. But restrictions that ultimately force MSBs out of business may have short-term counterterrorism benefits, but long-term consequences that would exacerbate conditions such as poverty that terrorist groups can exploit, argues Degan Ali, Adeso’s executive director. “Somalia doesn’t have an alternative banking system. The MSBs act as the banks. If you don’t have MSBs, the whole economy will collapse,” she says, noting that businesses would have no way to transfer funds and that MSBs are the country’s third-largest earner of GDP. MSBs operate much like Western Union, although usually charge less than five per cent commission and tend to be more efficient. Money sent from one of the MSBs in Toronto can reach a small Somali village in minutes. The local agent there will be notified and send a text message to the recipient. If the recipient doesn’t have identification, someone can vouch for their identity, although there’s a good chance the agent would know the person. These funds have been life-saving in some of the most impoverished regions. “This is a country that’s just coming out of a famine,” says Ali. “The last two famines in modern history have happened in Somalia, so this is a place where we’re talking about 50,000 children at death’s door at the risk of dying. Almost three million people are food insecure.” “If you now take away this lifeline, the source of income and survival for 40 per cent of the population, you’re going to have nearly all of Somalia food insecure, so that’s beyond the famine. That’s beyond a catastrophe.” Drive outside Mogadishu city limits to Daynille, where the newly paved roads turn to sand, and out of nowhere a school comes into view. This area was once under control of the Shabab; there are still occasional attacks. Children used to walk kilometres to reach a school in Mogadishu, if they could afford an education at all. But Daynille primary school, which opened last August, provides free education for its students, the majority of whom are orphans or from low-income families. It is the latest project by Ishardo (International Society Horn of Africa Relief and Development Operations), started by three Somalia-born Canadians in 1998. The organization has also funded a hospital in the area, which provided critical care during the 2011 famine. “We really see education now as the way to help the community,” said Toronto resident and Ishardo co-founder Mohamed Gilao, who has been fundraising in Canada for the projects for more than a decade. On the day we arrive, the students of Daynille primary school have heard a Canadian reporter is coming, so as soon as the principal ushers us into the first of five classrooms the children begin clapping and waving paper Canadian flags. Gilao co-ordinates his work with local volunteers and members of his extended family who stayed in Somalia during the 20 years of war and who run the Canadian-funded projects. He travels back and forth to Somalia so he knows the tension that exists with the returning diaspora — and how the Shabab and other militant groups exploit this division. “Sometimes the people of Somalia are held hostage by terrorist groups and their propaganda. They say the people from outside have lost their nationality, or their religion, or they’ll say they’re spies. This is the challenge.” “We’re just hoping to peace-build through education.” A study released last month by the Mogadishu think-tank Heritage Institute notes that “the relationship between returnees and locals in Somalia is complex.” Security measures often keep the diaspora segregated since they are seen as influential, and therefore targeted by the Shabab. Also, as the report points out, “returnees often find it easier — and more advantageous from a professional networking point of view — to socialize disproportionately with other diaspora returnees.” Of course the returning diaspora are not a cohesive group. “Generally, non-diaspora Somali communities grasp the diversity among the diaspora returnees,” writes report author Maimuna Mohamud. “They distinguish, for example, between the ‘good diaspora’ who have been successful in their host countries, and the ‘bad’ ones who failed to take advantage of the opportunities available to them.” Al-Jazeera journalist Hamza Mohamed poked fun at the stereotypes of the returning diaspora by their country of citizenship, dubbing those from Canada who are not part of Mogadishu’s who’s who as “Team Canada YOLO (you only live once).” “They are everyone’s friends. This group treats life as a party and Somalia as a dance floor,” Mohamed wrote in a column that went viral. “They usually arrive with few things — like a minor criminal record and a Mongolian scripture tattoo they got while under the influence on a night out in Toronto. It’s hard to find them talking about serious issues. Don’t mention school — they have usually dropped out of school and are sensitive discussing this subject. If you want them to unfriend you on Facebook, tag them in photos from your graduation ceremony.” Back at the Maka al Mukarama Hotel, the Canadians laugh at the column, which also states the British like to put many titles on their business cards and the Americans, well, the Americans are loud. As the sun sets, the group disperses. It is safer in Mogadishu than it has been in years, but the powerful are targets and travel carefully at night. There are parting jokes about Ford and the upcoming fall election. The lucky recipients leave cradling their precious bags of Tim Hortons coffee. Follow Michelle Shephard on Twitter @shephardm.Source: http://www.thestar.com http://www.somaliaonline.com/somali-canadians-have-been-among-the-most-successful-in-mogadishu-dominating-almost-every-sector-with-positions-in-the-government-business-and-humanitarian-communities/