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Showing content with the highest reputation on 01/11/2024 in all areas

  1. 3 points
    This guy is right. If the mad man goes ahead with this destruction of our existence as free people, anyone who cares about their future should join any armed resistance movement to fight the tyrant and the criminals around him.
  2. 2 points
    To be fair, our friend, Xaaji, is still recovering from a traumatic event. I doubt he wants his people to live in Oromo-led Ethiopia.
  3. 2 points
    Xaaji, I understand your mistrust of Somalia in the talks. But the issue isn’t just about having international observers, it’s more important that the Somali government needs to see Somaliland as its own predicament, and one needs this sense of responsibility, urgency and prioritisation in order for one to take responsibility and ownership to resolve the political dispute through talks. And so far this has been lacking, further exacerbated by Somalilands mephahone diplomacy as mode for communication.
  4. 2 points
    Reasons to Object to the proposed Ethiopia-Somaliland MoU 10 January 2024 Absent the MoU, we have relied on the initial brief provided by President Bihi and the subsequent public statements from Ethiopian officials to piece together key elements of the deal. Bottom line is that this MoU is not good for Somaliland in a myriad of ways. Below are some of the key concerns related to MoU: 1. The MoU has yet to be shared and there have been mixed signals from both Somaliland and Ethiopian officials on the scope and location of the Ethiopian investments – Is it a port deal? Naval base? Is it providing 20kms on the coast? Where exactly – Loyado/Lugaya/Bulahar? Or is it a land bridge connecting Ethiopia to the sea? What are the payment terms and how much? 2. Ethiopia’s historic claims and recent public statements from Abiy and Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs indicate an intent to obtain “permanent and reliable” access to the sea for the landlocked country. Therefore, the plans for a naval base, commercial port, and land bridge all should elicit concern that the endgame for Ethiopia may be to redraw the map of Somaliland. One such possible outcome is the map below in which Ethiopia is able to obtain a 20km wide land bridge to the Gulf of Aden: There is a high risk of annexation of land by Ethiopia, as a powerful and much larger neighboring country would never give up military strategic assets and land, and if relations deteriorate would likely choose for annexation, as per example of the Ukrainian region of Crimea annexed by Russia. 3. There should be serious doubts about Ethiopia’s ability to honor any potential payment terms given the fact that the country only just last month (Dec 2023) failed to make a $31 million bond payment. The debt default underscores the Ethiopia's severe financial challenges and explains why the initial payments terms include shares in Ethiopia’s airline and telecom sector or provision of electricity in lieu of cash. 4. The practice of leasing coastal areas to foreign military has not proven to boost overall economic activity in the host country. Djibouti has one of the highest extreme poverty and income inequality rates in the world despite earning hundreds of millions in annual rents from foreign bases on its territory. https://databankfiles.worldbank.org/public/ddpext_download/poverty/33EF03BB-9722-4AE2-ABC7-AA2972D68AFE/Global_POVEQ_DJI.pdf 5. Even if there is no formal annexation of land by Ethiopia, the influx of Ethiopians into the 20 kms of territory will change the demographics of Somaliland and provide Ethiopia with de facto control of the land. Somalilanders have already seen a dramatic increase of mostly Oromo people in the country, most as laborers. There are now several generations of Oromos in Somaliland with children who speak fluent Somali. Social media posts from prominent Ethiopians are clear on their goal to rewrite what they consider an historic wrong. 6. Ethiopia has no ability to ensure that Somaliland becomes an internationally recognized country with acceptance into African Union, IGAD, UN, or the new bloc of BRICS. Northern Cyprus is only recognized by Turkey and Transnistria is only recognized by Russia. Both countries are largely isolated and economically and militarily dependent of the larger neighboring country. Somaliland would require financing to largely be acquired from Ethiopia as it would have no access to international financial institutions such as the World Bank and IMF. 7. The construction of a port for Ethiopian commercial port in Lugaya, Loyado or Bulahar would have disastrous effects on the port of Berbera. In addition, the 20 kms area of the coast that will be controlled by Ethiopia will impact Somaliland’s own commercial activities such as fishing. 8. Ethiopian access to the Red Sea jeopardizes regional stability as Djibouti, Somalia and Eritrea would feel existential threats by Ethiopia surrounding them both on coast and hinterland. In addition, the current high stakes conflict in the Red Sea, where multiple foreign navies are jockeying for relevance, could also draw Somaliland into conflict unwillingly. 9. The debate over the MoU has resulted in several Somaliland communities expressing their opposition to the presence of Ethiopian military in the country. Should the MoU move forward without broad-based support, there is a high chance that internal violent conflict may breakout. After the loss at Gojacadde, a return to war would be devastating for a Somaliland. 10. The presence of Ethiopian military in Somaliland will be draw for Al Shabaab to the region, as the extremist group has already made a public statement vowing to fight “foreign invaders”. Ethiopia’s presence in Mogadishu was also what ignited and gave birth to AS and created a breeding ground for extremism. 11. Somaliland will be affected by the complex internal political and economic turmoil in Ethiopia. Somaliland is already economic dependent on trade with Ethiopia, and adding political and security dependency would leave it at the mercy of the whim of whichever Ethiopian regimes comes to power.
  5. 2 points
    This is exactly the point, Ethiopia’d ambition are not investment and access, but control and ownership. Somaliland balaayo isku furtay, Oromadii wexe wada aamineen iney badu yagu iska leeyihiin.
  6. 2 points
    Wali war sugan ma'aha, but I have no reason to doubt. Iskiisa u baxay, una soo noqday.
  7. 1 point
    One small step at a time till gradually the nation is strong enough to assert itself regionally. We are at the lowest point in our history, and shall need to trot slowly to rise up from the ashes. We are in no position to do much except advocate, lobby through organisations like the Arab League, and through legal pressure to slow Habasha's grand plan down till we could challenge them.
  8. 1 point
    I equally oppose the colonial borders on the Ethiopian and Kenya side. We fought wars to undo that. Unfortunately, we were not successful. And I will welcome anything that will help us to get our lands back.
  9. 1 point
    Xaaji, I fundamentally disagree with secession. That does not mean I have animosity toward reer Sland, to be specific, beesha dhexe. The only reason I would even mention colonial borders is that that's the basis of Sland's argument for independence. I don't agree with colonial borders whether it is on the land stolen from us or the ones drawn across the independent Somali territories. Furthermore, this attempt by Ethiopia to gain access (ownership) is an existential threat to all Somalis. To believe otherwise is akin to deluding yourself.
  10. 1 point
    Widaay, Xunjuf of old haddaa arki lahayd wuxuu qori jiray... Hadda wuuba soo dibcay oo qof waxaabo macquul ah qoro waaye. I guess that has to eo wirh what happened in Sool. Secessionists are very emotional qiiro badan, marka kool koolis jecelyihiin ee if it helps keeping our seas and land in tight, u kool kooli, glove treatment and all. Some are all too extremists and hopelessly gone, I know - kuwaas ka samir waaye laakiin kuwa xoogahoo dibicsan ha sii fogeyn.
  11. 1 point
    I am more concerned about genocidal behavior of the Oromo and the Ethiopian state. What they do to each other is an indication of what they will do to us.
  12. 1 point
    Personally I have not issue with movement people beyond tribal lines and national borders. But fact remains that as long as the Somali State is weak, Somali people divided and fractured, and the Somali culture fragile that high levels of Oromo migration lead to cultural assimilation of natives, as per example of Dire Dawa and now Jigjiga.
  13. 1 point
    What would u rather half a respected Somaliland sovreign recognised Somaliland . Or a Somaliland under Ethiopia colonization or under the hegonomy of ethiopia i would never seek to join any other country and certainly not ethiopia a starvin marvin country ever , we didnt separate and fight to free our people , just to be under ethiopia are u crazy.
  14. 1 point
    Consider the following: Ethiopian interest in ports: Unification of the Horn of Africa Background: The modern Ethiopian Navy was established by Emperor Haile Selassie, with the assistance of the United Kingdom, in 1955 and had its Naval Headquarters in: - Massawa with presence in: - Assab - Dhalak Islands and - Asmara. From 1991, its navy started using Yemeni bases. Then Jabouti, but by 1996, its navy ceased to exist, but with commercial fleet using Massawa & Assab. That also ended after the 1998 war between Ethiopia & Eritrea. The grand plan: The plan, Mr Birhanemeskel said, was to push for the "unification of the Horn of Africa as an economic bloc and the navy is part of that project". 11 Ethiopia commercial ships in a "very volatile" Red Sea area where Ethiopia has other economic interests. Kenya, Somaliland and Djibouti as possible locations for bases. The Kenyan option Ethiopia agreed a deal with Kenya to facilitate the acquisition of land in the island of Lamu as part of the Lamu Port-South Sudan-Ethiopia-Transport (Lapsset) project, a $24bn (£18bn) transport and infrastructure plan to link the two countries and their neighbours. The project was signed in 2012 but has been beset by funding delays and security problems in both countries. https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-44369382 Postscript: The Lamu port project mainly failed for lack of funding. Now how is Ethiopia, which is struggling to pay off interest on loans, and is strapped for cash going to fund construction of a new port? Without even considering the security ramifications, just thinks about the trade and economic implications said port shall have on trade at Jibouti and Berbera.
  15. 1 point
    The rational heads in SL are thinking along those lines, and understand the dangers of Abiy the wannabe emperor. Let us find and promote voices of the rational, and not the online numpties. I would agree, and observed the same in my last trip to Jigjiga. I was shocked when I attended a graduation event at Jigjiga university. Please let us not encourage the sick minds, the likes of XX in a conversation, they are lost causes. Some are now arguing SL should seek to join Ethiopia to shut up the Federal government. I have got family members, just like him, who argue out of spite, and would not blink an eye to sell off the whole of Somalia incl. SL for a day of recognition. Absolutely. There was an article where Abiy was making the case for Reunification of the Horn. I'll see if I could find it.
  16. 1 point
    masaaaridu kama daalaan isku dirida ereteriya iyo itoobiiyaa xita afewerki beri bu wuxu yidhi masaaridu may jeclayn inanu goosano 1993 sababtoo ah dagaalki ba dhamaaanayaa waxay rabeen inu dagaalku socdo socdo ila ay ka dhergeyaaan nilka he said that in the early 1990s
  17. 1 point
  18. 1 point
    If the Xabashis get hold of the sea and the land bridge as indicated by the map, what will stop them from expoiting our entire coast's fishing stock. They will probably go as far as the south with their fishing fleet guarded by their navy. The so-called politicians in Somaliland are just so clueless and incompetent. May Allah protect us from the evil of our own "leaders".
  19. 1 point
  20. 1 point
    jesus clan are small minority in Somaliland thee awdal clan are far more significant in Somaliland. Zeilicy will never resign he didnt resign when Xirsi took over his job during the heydays of siilaanyo. what makes u think he will do now . When muse gave him allot of things to do other then inaugarating new building and stuff. Muse allows him to run cabinet two times a week when muse is busy with other things like going to his farm.
  21. 1 point
    Dhiig Oromo ayee leedahay, boqolkiina boqol ayee dhaantaa Soomaali ku sheega Soomaalida neceb ee Soomaalida sheegta haddana. Qoftaan jiljileecooda aragtay marka inay saan u hadasho lama yaabaayi.
  22. 0 points
    Please go away. I do not recognise colonial borders and/or division of Somali lands, that is the point you seem to be struggling with. Borders had only been created to weaken, divide and rule. Somali history had not started with the arrival of European vagabonds. You seem to embrace that. I detest Europeans and their legacy, and abhor even more anyone who promotes it. Where all else fails, resort to the age old gambit 'you do not like my clan', as if I care about any clan.
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