If you read the history of that country you would have learned that the mosque was built there after destroying a Hindu temple.

Faisal Roobleh's take on Egyptian vs Ethiopia and Somaliland's role.

Since early 2019 when Ethiopia recalled its ambassador to Hargeisa as part of a reshuffle going on by Abiye Ahmed. Ethopia didn't name a replacement. However, it looks like the latest diplomatic moves by Hargeisa has ruffled the feathers of Abiy Ahmed. He has named one and will be soon coming to Hargeisa.

Qoraal kii Faysal waa kan. -------------- Odhaahda Maanta (talk of the Town) si fiiro leh u akhri Qaybtii 2aad Geeska Afrika iyo Guuxa Siyaasadeed Is-afranshawaaga Itoobiya iyo Masar waxa uu salka ku hayaa maaraynta iyo sida loo maali lahaa biyaha Webiga Niilka. Niilku waa wabiga ugu dheer aduunka waxana ka faa’iidaysta (ha loo kala batee) 11 dal. Ilaa iyo 1960hii dalka Masar ayaa iyadu si gaar ah uga faa’iiday kadib markii ay dhista Biyo xidheeka Sare ee Asawan (High Asawan Dam). Waa biyo xidheenka aduunka ugu weyn. Waxa lagu tiriyaa in yahay halbowlaha nolosha Masar. Webiga Niil laba maax ayuu leeyahya: Niilka cad (While Nile) oo ishiishu tahay Harta Victoria ee Tanzania ku taal, iyo Niila Buluuga ah (Bule Nile) oo Gobolada Amara kunale togag ka soo kaca dhinaca Oromo. Qaybta Itoobiya waxa Niilka Buluuga ah loogu bixiyey waa dhoobada madow ee qaniga ah ee biyuhu wadaan. Dhoobadaas muuraha iyo caro madowga ayuu ka soo karaa. Dhoobadaas modow ayey Masar aad guga faa’iidaa dhinaca beeraha. Xaga xooga korontadana waa faa’iido kale. Taariikhdu markay ahayd 2011 ayuu Mele Zenawi bilaabay dhismaha Biyaxidheenka Weyn ee Dibucurashada Itoobiya (Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam). Dhamaadka biyaxidheenku waxa uu soo kordhndoonaa 6,000 Megawat oo xoog koronto ah oo kobcin doona 150% baahida itoobiya. Xiligii uu Meles bilaabay dhismaha xaalka siyaasadeed sida maanta wuu ka duwanaa: (1) Masar dhibaato siyaasadeed ayaa ka taagney; (2) Meles oo xaga siyaasada aduunka khibrad ku lahaa Masar iyo aduunkaba ku qanciyey in xooga korantada ee laga heli doono biyaxidheenka ka faa’idaysan doonaa Itoobiya, Sudan, Masar iyo dalaka Medeterinaianka saran ee Yurub. Taas ayaa keentay in arimo badan laga gaabsado, sida (1) in aanay Itoobiya samayn daraasada la yidhaa Qiimaynta wax yeeelada Deegaanka (Environmental Impact Assessment); (2) Itoobiya oo dhismaha biyoxidheenka ka dhigtan arin siyaasadeed oo lagu hiyi kiciyo shacabka Itoobiya (iskaa wax uqabso in lagu dhisayo). Labadaas arimoodba waxay horseedeen in aan la tixgalin arimo la xidhiidha Cimilada iyo Deegaanka isbadalaya (Climate Change), iyo xirfada ingineernimada oo ku aadan qatarta ka iman kartao fatah aan hada loo jeedin. Waxase inta badan saxaafaduhu ka hadlaan siyaasada ku weegaaran biyoxidheenka oo hada ku sii durkaya xasarad siyaasadeed oo Geeska Afrika ka aloosan. Xasaradaasi ayaa ku soo aadaysa xili adag oo Itoobiya siyaasadeedu qasantahay. Gaar ahaan, culayska kaga imanaya dhinaca Oromoda ayaa wiiqiyey awooda uu R/W Abiy kula garami lahaa Masar. Dhinaca kale, xiligii Mursi, Masar ayaa kala daadsanayd. Hadase Al-sisi waxaad moodaa in uu gacanta si buuxda ugu dhigay rer Masar isaga oo maalaya khatarta ku timid ama kaga iman karta dhinaca dhimisha biyaha Niilka iyo waxay ay Masar ku tilmaamtay “cantuuga weyn we Itoobiys er biyaha Niilka.” Kalmaanka Masar iyo Itoobiya ayaad moodaa in dhaqdhaqaa dhinaca xulifaysiga dalalka Geeska Afrika ku yaal ku soo biiray. Masar waxa si buuxda u raacsan Suudan. Itoobiya waxa raacsan Soomaliya iyo MW Farmajo. Waxa dhiniciisa dhexdhexaadin wada Isayaska Eritteriya. Waxa Iyana shaxda ku soo biirtay Soomaaliland oo welba hada loo badinayo in ay Masar xodxodanayso. Isayaska Erietriya: Inkasta uu la heshiiyey R/W Abiy 2018, hadana waxa la odhan karaa waa heshiis afka baarkiisa ah. Waa marka hore Ereteriya 1963-1990, waxa dagaal maal iyo nef badani ku baxeen ay kula jirtay Itoobiya. 1994 ayey ka xoroowday Itoobiya, iyada oo la go'day labadii dakadood ee Itoobiya lahaan jirtay (Masawac iyo Casab). Arintaasaa keentay in Amxarada mayalka adagi aanay innaba aaminayn Ereteriya iyo Isayas. Waxa kale ooy ka biya diidanyihiin isku soo dhowaanshaha labada dhinac. Haduu Isayas 1994 ku heesay “ma ku curad tiray maku caanatiray,” asaga oo ula jeeda inuu labadii dakadood la go’ay, waxa Itoobiyankuna isku dayi doonaan amaba ay isku dayeen inay Masawac iyo Casab go’doon noqdaan. Wana sida aye arintu illa hadeer ahayd. Waxase Isayas uu islahaa Itoobiya labadan dakadood wey isticmaali doontaa mar hadii la heeshiyey. Wargeyska la yidhaa Bloomburge ayaa qorey in Eriteriya aad uga xanaaqsantahay laba arimood oo ku aadan heshiiskii ay laga shay Itoobiya 2018. (1) cidamadii Itoobiya oo weli ku sugan goobihii dagaalada qadhaadh ku dhexmareen labada dal (Badhime gaar ahaan); iyo (2) Itoobiyoon innaba isticmaalin dakadaha Eriteriya. (they became ghost ports). Sidaas dartee, cadho iyo caloolyow ayey Eriteriya qabtaa. Intaas waxa dheer shakiga ay Itoobiyaan badani ka qabaan Isayas. Jabhadaha Itoobiya la dagaalamay marka laga reebo WSLF (TPLF, OLF, Afar Liberation Front) iyo kuwo kale oo badan, waxa aasaaskuuda lug ku lahaa Isayas. Itoobiyaan badani waxay aaminsan yihiin in aanu Isayas innaba rabin Itoobiya oo daganaansho ku nool. Eretriyankuna waxay aaminsanyihiin in Itoobiya oo dib u soo noolaataa aanay u tudhi doonin Eriteriya. Shikiga labada dhinac ayaa waxyeelo ku leh xulifaysiga aasaaskiisu hada Geeska ka muuqdo. Waa arinta keenaysa in la’isweydiiyo Isayas ma Masar ayuu la safanayaa? Si toos ah loogama jawaabi karo. Waxase cad in Isayas uu mari doono jidkii uu maray Mareykanku - kaasoo ahaa in wada hadal lagu dhameeyo. AU Iyana sidaas ayey ku Talisay. Wada hadaladaas socda awgood iyo taariikhda Niilka ayaa ii horseedaysa in aan qiyaasi karo in wax dagaal ahi aanu dhacayn. Af-gobaadsi marka laga tago, wada hadal halagu dhameeyo waxay ka dhigantahay in la tixgaliyo (1) heshiisyadii hore – waa taxanaha 1921, 1959, 2005 oo Itoobiya saluugsantahay; (2) in aan la iska indho tirin xirfadaha la xidhiidha Ingineeringka sida in macquul ay tahya in Itoobiya aanay ku buuxin karay biyoxidheenka mudo gaaban, laakiin aayar aayar ay ku buuxiso (mudo 7 illaa 15 sano inta u dhaxaysa). Meel dhexaad ayaa aakhirtu la isugu iman doonaa. Arintasi aduunka iyo khuburado oo dhan ayaa ogol aan ka ahany R/W Abiy oo isagu u isticmaalaya arinta buuxinta biyoxidheenka si siyaasadaysan. Casmarana waxay u badantahay in ay kula talindoonto R/W in uu tixgaliyo labadaas qodob een kor ku sheegnay iyo ra’yul caalamka sida taladii Maraykanku soo jeediyey oo dhinaca Masar u yar badnayd. Khubarada dhexdhexaadintu waxay ogyihiin in Itoobiya aanay u baahnay in la buuxiyo biyoxidheenka, waana arinta ay Masar codsanayso. Soomaaliya iyo Soomaliland doorka ay ku leeyihiin arinta cakiran isku si ma’aha. Soomaaliya waxa si fudu ay gacata ugu jirtaa ama ugu dhacday R/W Abiy. Mawqifka Villa Soomaaliya qaadatay waxa uu kala fogeeyey ama uu wiiqay xidhiidhkii soo jireenka ahaa ee Masar iyo Soomaaliya. Arintaas wax faahfaahin ah uma baahna. Waxase warwar keeda leh arintan: ma dhici kartaa in Itoobiya xiliyada soo socda ay ula kac mashaariic dhimi kara biyaha Shabeele iyo Jubba ka qabtaan kana dhisaan agaas? Hadii taasi dhacdona, Villa Soomaaliya rageedu ayagoo hawlgab ah (in the future) waxay ku heesi doonaan: “Gacantii maroodiga ninkaan galab kasii daayey, Isna gaws libaax igu ridaan gacalkay moodaayey…” Soomaaliland: iyada oon weli helin aqoonsi, beryahan waxay dardar galisay raadinta ictiraaf masraxa siyaasaaded aad ayey uga muuqato. Waxa dhawaan Hargaysa yimid Wafdi Kenyan ah oo ka socday Odhinga dhiniciisa kuna dhawaaqay in Soomaaliland la ictiraafo. Raaci arintaas Barlamaanka Gaambiya oo ka dootamay mustaqbalka Soomaaliland. Doodan fiiro gaar ah in la siiyo weeye. Gaambiya, sida Soomaaliland oo kala, waxay lixdameeyihii la midowday Sengal (waxay noqdeen Senegambiya). Waana kala baxeen. Dooda ay Gaambiya masraxa keeneyso waa mid ah “bal anaga na eega oo ku cibaaro qaata!” Waxa kale oo Soomaaliland muuqaalkeeda kor u qaaday shirkii wadahadalada ahaa ee Djibouti ka dhacay June 15-19, 2020. Sida hufan ay arimahooda masraxa u keeneen ayaa noqotay in loo qushuuco, halka hurdaaye ay noqdeen dhinaka kale. Waxaad raacisaa Wasiir Faratoon oo Taiwan aaday July 6, 2020 heshiina la soo galay, iyo Wasarada Arimaha Dibada ee Mareykanka oo aad u soo dhaweeyey wadahadalada labada dhinac. Xataa China mar ay istidhii handad Soomaaliland, waxa warar xogogaali sheegayaan in Soomaaliland gaashannka u daruurtay China sidii aye R/W Abiy gaashaanka ugu dhufatay markuu hindisay in uu M/W Farmajo keeno Hargaysa. Masaarida iyo Soomaaliland waxay wada hadlayeen ilaa bishii March 2020 markii uu wafdi Soomaaliland tagay Qaariha; Bishii Mayna waxa Hargaysa yimid wafdi uu hogaaminaya Xamdi Loza oo ah Maareeyaha arimaha Afrika ee Masar. Wada hadaladii ugu dambeeyey waxay dhexmareen labada dhinac July 12, 2020 xiligii uu yimid Hargaysa wafdi Masri ah. Waxa laga wada hadlay waxay u badnaayeen xasaradaha iyo stratejiyada xiligan taagan. Waxa cad in Soomaaliland dardar xoogan galisay in ay ka mid noqoto shaxda xulifaysiga siyaasada Geeska Afrika iyo ka soo muuqashada masrxa siyaasadaba. Waxa kale oo cad in madaxda Soomaalilaand wax diid karaan hadii ay dantooda ka arki waayaan. Tolow mawaxay gaadheen xiliigii ahaa “Allow wax dhowran maaye Dhabaxyo soo daadi,” mise waa siyaasiyiin qaan gaadhany? Sikastaba u dhig oo waa madax waxna yeeli karta waxna diidi karta. Waxaan wali cadayn in Itoobiya tilaabo cadho keentay kula kici doonto Soomaaliland. Ilaa hadeerse, Soomaaliland shaxda ay ciyaarta gunteedii weli lama gaadhin, waase ciyaar siyaasadeed oo muuqata oon biyo dhigeeda u fadhino.

Abiye is not a oromo nationalist as some of the hard core oromos tried to portray him in the past. His days are numbered in Ethiopia. He had a fall out with his own ethnic group. He is not welcome in tigray. The amharas are indifferent. His only support is the Eritrean dictator.

Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Mr. Liban Yusuf Osman. Somaliland says keen on stronger ties with Egypt Source; https://dailynewsegypt.com/ Somaliland looks forward to having stronger diplomatic, economic, and trade ties with Egypt, Somaliland’s Deputy Foreign Affairs Minister, Liban Yousouf Osman, told Daily News Egypt on Saturday. Osman confirmed to DNE that a high-level Egyptian delegation visited Somaliland last week. The delegation, he added, held bilateral meetings with Somaliland officials from foreign affairs, investment, fisheries and livestock ministries. “This is not the first [Egyptian] delegation. I have been in Egypt before, and Egypt’s Deputy Minister for Africa Hamdi Loza visited Hargeisa in 2019,” Osman revealed. Somaliland gained independence from Britain in 1960 and joined with Somalia, which was an Italian colony and became independent a few days later, to form the United Republic of Somalia. However, the situation deteriorated leading to the break in 1991, following decades of brutality meted on its people by the Somali regime of Siad Barre. Since 1991, Somaliland has sought international recognition as an independent state. Yet, no foreign government recognises its sovereignty, but many effectively acknowledge the region as separate from Somalia. Somaliland effectively broke ties with Somalia’s government in Mogadishu after declaring independence. It has been holding its own democratic elections since 2003. According to Osman, Egypt and Somaliland discussed how best to further promote social integration between the two countries. The bilateral trade links are verging, on the most part, on fisheries and livestock. The cooperation between the two African nations was built on tangible historical and political realities that bound the two sides since the era of Queen Hebsetshut and the Pharaohs. Osman said that Egypt has the experience and the know-how which can be extremely beneficial to develop Somaliland mining sector, as the country is abundant with mineral resources. Egyptian investments in infrastructure, fisheries, and livestock would help both parties, as Somaliland is a major livestock exporter, Osman told DNE. “By establishing trade ties, we can export livestock to Egypt, either as live animals or ready-to-cook meat.” “Egypt can play a major role in our international recognition, as it is a major country in Africa andthe Arab World, which can help push our case for recognition in both the African Union and Arab League,” Osman explained. Somaliland meets most of the requirements of a sovereign democratic state, he stressed, adding, “We have held free and fair elections, and we have our own currency, security forces, and passports.” Also, Somaliland’s independence claim is consistent with a longstanding norm of the African Union and its predecessor that colonial-era borders should be maintained. He commented on reports that the Ethiopian government has protested against the Egyptian delegation’s visit to Hargeisa, saying “We can deal with any country for our own interests, it is our business.” Osman added that Somaliland’s relationship with Egypt will not harm its relationship with Ethiopia. He stressed his country position that both countries should resolve the issue of Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) through dialogue and in a peaceful manner. “Somaliland can mediate since its has a good relationships with both countries,” Osman added. The Egyptian delegation visit to Somaliland, which was preceded by other visits from Taiwan and Kenya, once more suggests the further recognition of Somaliland as an equally sovereign state.

Duriyada are among the beautiful ones. No debate.