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Showing content with the highest reputation on 02/09/2020 in all areas
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2 pointsAnigu kolay waxaan u soo joogay kolkii ay sarta ka dul dhiseen meesha. Laakin waa macquul meesha qabriga ah lafteeduba 80s la sameeyay. Cuqdad nafsi waa cajiib. Quraanka ilaahay dad gaar ah ayaa ilaaliya. Dhawaan waxa la arkay dhawr App oof Quran Kariim lagu sheegay laakin dhawr aayadood la khalday. Waxa helay nin indho'la oo wiilkiisa quraan u dhigaayay. The IQ clan sidaa si la mid ah ayaa taariikhda Somalida laga been abuuro oo dhan u soo qabanaa. Dhawaan waxa Twitter ku arkaayay niman @galbeeditolkiis ah oo Ugaaskii Ciise 150 sano ka hor sawir laga qaaday intay jarjareen oo si kale yidhaahdeen ayay ku sheegeen Ugaaskii Awdal Clan Clan. Internetka meel walba waxay soo dhigaan niman Fardo Fuushan oo ku sheegeen waa Moxamed Cabdille Xassan iyo ciidankiisi. Laakin sawiradda laftoodu waa suldaankii iyo beeshala IQ rag ka mid ah oo Fardo fuushan. Been abuurka intaa leeg, qof aan isku kalsoonayn ayuunba samayn kara.
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1 pointOodka, Our Pirateland folks on SOL are putting up on the usual brave face. They know the Cheeseman without much of an effort at all is destroying the 'Clan Federalism' that the Pirateboys championed for so long. If Cheeseman is able to single handedly put a big question mark on the viability of the clan fiefdoms, then I have to say the Pirateboy will have very little chance if a strong leader with a Centralist agenda assumes power in Mogadishu, specially one from the More-yaan group. With failing economy, shrinking influence and most importantly deteriorating security, Pirateland is watching & waiting for the perfect storm forming. It is inevitable that Pirateland will either do something silly i.e. try to follow Somaliland. Or succumb to the forces from Mogadishu. They are between a rock and a hardplace.
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1 pointDo you remember when the drunkard, Somalia's Foreign Minister, went on TV with this? Dalka Gini oo wax xidhiidh ah la lahayn ayuu sheegay inay xidhiidhkii u jareen. Khamradu kolka aad iska badisid wax walba waa kaa suurowdaa. Maanta bal xiniinyo ha u yeesheen inay Addis Abeba xidhiidhka u jaraan? kkkk
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1 pointI am amazed by the sheer stupidity, naivety and outright buffoonery of Puntland detractors on SOL. Puntland is Somalia and Somalia is Puntland. Now how hard can that be, eh! Puntland shall never stoop to the level of nor join the ranks of the hapless and inconsequential. Somalilanders of the north who for the last 30 years or so been bleating about like deranged mooncalves about secession and have nothing to show for it. You daft S.O.Bs need to know is that Puntland has set Somalia on an irreversible course and by God you dimwits will be dragged along kicking and screaming until a united, strong and federal republic is fully realized. Don’t let the petty sideshow of Somali politics fool you into believing anything else. Forewarned is forearmed, right?
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1 pointAs it is always the case with the IMF, everything is done with the aim of pushing a specific agenda. In this case, it is that IMF is trying to convene to Golf countries to buy more investment products from Western nations and re-alignment with their economic policies The interesting fact is that all of these Golf countries have surpassed the West in terms of living standards economically. Even if the oil industry collapses today, Golf countries have a such highly developed economies that increasing or imposing taxes on their foreign populations, little monetary easing and some borrowing on capital markets will be sufficient to keep all the families in line for at least a decade. So why does the IMF imply that a stop of oil funds will lead to political instability?
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1 pointThe western world’s fascination with Abyssinia has always destabilized politics in the Horn. However, with the background of west political power declining and its societies secularizing, and above all the rise of other world powers. Karma has finally hit our Xabashi brothers. The shift is permanent and low-landers ethnicities of Afar, Somali and Oromo and others will settle score with the highlanders specifically with the Amhara for the century-long abusive policies funded by Western powers. The biblical name (Ethiopia) that Haile Selassie chose for this artificially created nation and established by the West, as a way to solidify Abyssinia’s Christian heritage and bond with the West, this name will be once again only used in a biblical context as Ethiopia will not exist. The country will balkanize and hopefully this will usher a new era of coexistence among different ethnicities in the Horn.
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1 pointOil makes less than 10% of GDP in UAE. And Qatar majority of its income comes from Liquefied Natural Gas (LnG). Gas is not going peak anytime soon. It is one commodity that has been raising in demand and will do into the future. But Oil/petroleum will peak, as electric vehicles and hydrogen cells become cheaper and more reliable. Already the UK is phasing out combustion engine cars and light vehicles like Motor Bikes etc by 2035 (or 15 years from now). it is expected that other EU and UK's aligned countries like Australia, NZ and Canada to follow their lead.
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1 pointTaiwan is a highly developed country which Somaliland can learn a thing or two from. Specially in its industrialisation. Aside from Scholarships and access to Doctors from Taiwan, Somaliland is also interested in bringing Taiwanese manufacturers to open shop in Berbera Free Zone. So the plans are big. Hopefully it will all workout.
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1 pointOf relevance to the topic, Faisal Roobleh, formerly a staunch opponent of Somaliland and man who used to attend every gathering or conference that somehow is anti-Somaliland in nature, has been changing his tune as of late. This is his latest posts. ------- Federal Member States: Lessons to be learned from Somaliland Somalia, as it exists today, is a geographic expression with three layers of mini-states: (1) Somaliland, (2) Puntland and Jubbaland, and (3) Hirshabelle, Southwest, and Galmudug. These three layers are at different stages in state formation and deal with both Villa Somalia and the outside world accordingly. Somaliland is a class by itself. Most Western journalists treat it as an independent country. Ethiopia and Djibouti do so although under the cover of trade cooperation. Donor countries also recognize that Somaliland has secured peace, a modicum of state stability, and a heightened self or national confidence and cohesion that needn't be disrupted. The 2012-2016 compact (a phantom new deal), now a relic document collecting dust in a shelf inside Villa Somalia, treated Somaliland as a separate entity from the rest of Somalia. It was inadvertently a de facto recognition of Somaliland by both Villa Somalia and the International Community. Farmajo, therefore, must not disturb Somaliland, maintains the IC, or else his aid will suffer. The second category is a loose association consisting of Puntland and Jubbaland. Until recently, Puntland was treated by Villa Somalia as a strong pillar in keeping the federal system together. However, due to devious politicians from that region, the hard work done towards federalism since the end of the Somalia civil war is largely compromised. The root cause of this is Puntland's own intricate clan system that is highly politicized. Each and every politician from Puntland (be a parliamentarian, a minister, or even civil society leaders) highly utilize clan and sub-clan politics for political offices. One of the major problems President Said Deni is facing is not Villa Somali being strong, but rather clan political peddlers, especially those ministers close to Villa Somalia, weaponzing sub-clan politics. In the last three years, Villa Somalia’s vicious politics of division has proliferated Puntland to a point where it created discordant conditions. As to Jubbaland, it has never been given time to complete federal member state formation. Early in its infancy, it was at war with Hassan Sheikh's administration. We recall Abdullahi Godah's bravado and his provocative statements when he was interior minister. Following a respite and a short-lived stability, thanks to the administration of Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud's final awakening to endorse collaboration than confrontation, Farmajo came to office in 2017 with venom and political, some say, clan vendetta against Ahmed Madobe. Facts are now emerging that he even tried to kidnap Ahmed Modobe while he was on a business visit to Mogadishu. Jubbaland is today anything but stable, and the state formation process is severely hampered. As a matter of fact, it is on the verge of war with Villa Somalia as Farmajo manipulates military might and the mischief of clan politics. By sawing hyperbolic clan sentiment in Gado, the region is on the verge of military conflict. The third group is nothing but an extension of Villa Somalia. Leaders in this group have voluntarily given up their constitutional rights and legitimate roles that are guaranteed to states. They seem to be comfortable to exist under the shadow of Villa Somalia as long as their positions are protected by Farmajo. The trio region is weak in governance and seems to enjoy less credibility with the people they claim to represent but pride over the cozy relationship they enjoy with Villa Somalia. Concluding Remarks 1. Puntland must reassert itself even if it emulates Somaliland by calling for a full autonomy short of secession and continue the course until Villa Somalia comes to the table for a serious deliberation around the draft constitution. If it cannot do that, it may as well join hands with group three. One of the successful attributes of why the leaders of Somaliland seem strong is that they rely more on the support of their people and most of the time ignore donor sentiments when it comes to state formation and politics. And that is the right way to govern your people. Whether Puntland can learn such a lesson from its neighbor remains to be seen. 2. Jubbaland has shown a meek face in a time of adversity. One serious problem with Jubbaland is its over-consciousness of what the donor community (USA and EU missions) would say if Ahmed Madobe asserts himself. Such psychology led to the erosion of Ahmed Madobe's confidence in his people and in the cause for which he says he stands. Guaranteed Jubbaland is complex and the clan relationship is more precarious here. However, Ahmed Madobe can't watch things deteriorate and always give in to what the donor community says while Mohamed Farmajo amasses troops in Gedo. He better assert himself in the face a brewing invasion. Until now, Farmajo has been waging a psychological war and Soviet-style propaganda against Jubbaland. Now, it seems he wants to declare war! And Ahmed Madobe's side has been awfully silent because of fear of what the donors would say! If such a silence continues, the governed in Jubbaland will also lose confidence in its leadership. Delay is death! 3. The third group does not need any recommendation. President Ware was the first of the pack Farmajo successfully tamed. In October 2017, he was a focal advocate for federal member states’ rights and roles. He emerged as the spokesperson for the states following a conference in Kismanyo. Upon his return, though, Farmajo so severely punished him by stopping about $400,000 promised for institutional building. I was with him at Halane Camp in Mogadishu, when President Ware received a scornful call from the Deputy Minister for Finance and told him the “he was not getting the money.” Mr. Ware almost fainted then abruptly left the meeting. From that day one, he became an obedient soldier of Farmajo’s. The other two have followed suit. The question still remains whether federal member states learn lessons from Somaliland on confidence, having clear goals and objectives, and relying more on the wisdom of their people than IC officers in Nairobi and Addis Ababa. ---------
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1 pointMunaafaqadda waa lagu ogaa. But the days when One leg in, one leg out used to get them the best of both world is coming to an end.
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1 point"Soldiers?" Magac ciidan haku ciyaarin yaaqeey, Saalaxoow. Ragtag drug-induced addicts militia ah ciidan ma noqon karaan.
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